How patronal networks shape opportunities for local citizen participation in a hybrid regime: a comparative analysis of five cities in Ukraine
In: Soviet and post-Soviet politics and society (SPPS), vol. 245
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In: Soviet and post-Soviet politics and society (SPPS), vol. 245
In: Ukraine-Analysen
ISSN: 1862-555X
World Affairs Online
In: Ukraine-Analysen, Heft 287, S. 11-17
ISSN: 1862-555X
Die Ukraine hat während der großangelegten russischen Invasion seit dem 24. Februar 2022 eine bemerkenswerte Widerstandsfähigkeit bewiesen. Diese bezeichnen wir als "demokratische Resilienz", weil sie von demokratischen Mechanismen unterstützt wurde. Diese drückt sich nicht nur im Engagement der ukrainischen Bürger:innen aus, die der Invasion auf vielfältige Weise Widerstand leisten, sondern auch in der Aufrechterhaltung der Staatlichkeit und Demokratie inmitten des größten Krieges auf europäischem Boden seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. Basierend auf Umfragedaten beleuchtet der folgende Text, welchen maßgeblichen Anteil daran die kommunalen Selbstverwaltungsbehörden haben und wie sie eine auf Bürgerbeteiligung und Kooperation mit nichtstaatlichen Akteuren basierende demokratische Resilienz ermöglichen.
Forschungsstelle Osteuropa
In: Ukraine-Analysen, Heft 287, S. 11-17
Die Ukraine hat während der großangelegten russischen Invasion seit dem 24. Februar 2022 eine bemerkenswerte Widerstandsfähigkeit bewiesen. Diese bezeichnen wir als "demokratische Resilienz", weil sie von demokratischen Mechanismen unterstützt wurde. Diese drückt sich nicht nur im Engagement der ukrainischen Bürger:innen aus, die der Invasion auf vielfältige Weise Widerstand leisten, sondern auch in der Aufrechterhaltung der Staatlichkeit und Demokratie inmitten des größten Krieges auf europäischem Boden seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. Basierend auf Umfragedaten beleuchtet der folgende Text, welchen maßgeblichen Anteil daran die kommunalen Selbstverwaltungsbehörden haben und wie sie eine auf Bürgerbeteiligung und Kooperation mit nichtstaatlichen Akteuren basierende demokratische Resilienz ermöglichen.
This article belongs to the special cluster, "Think Tanks in Central and Eastern Europe", guest-edited by Katarzyna Jezierska and Serena Giusti. Think tanks outside liberal democracies have distinctive features that go beyond the features of the original concept that emerged within the US context. Departing from this empirical observation, we investigate the sources of the organizational power of think tanks in Ukraine as a case of a limited access order (LAO), a social order where privileged individuals maintain discretionary access to societal resources, functions, and institutions. To accomplish this goal, we apply Thomas Medvetz's analytical concept of a "boundary organization," which allows us to highlight the hybridity and flexibility of think tanks and thus understand their methods of gaining political access in an LAO. The analysis of interviews with senior representatives of nongovernmental think tanks in Ukraine in 2016-2017 demonstrates that Ukrainian think tanks are resourceful and find indirect ways of influencing politics. These organizations publish their reports in the media and deliver assessments of Ukraine's international commitments to the country's donors, thereby indirectly influencing the policy process in the country. Ukrainian think tanks also comply with the expectations of a boundary organization, accumulating and converting economic, academic, and media capital into political capital, using advocacy and networking as conversion tools. One important difference between the expectations of Medvetz's framework and our findings is that political capital seems to be the goal of think tank activity, while the three other types are used merely instrumentally.
BASE
In: East European politics and societies: EEPS, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 790-811
ISSN: 1533-8371
This article belongs to the special cluster, "Think Tanks in Central and Eastern Europe", guest-edited by Katarzyna Jezierska and Serena Giusti. Think tanks outside liberal democracies have distinctive features that go beyond the features of the original concept that emerged within the US context. Departing from this empirical observation, we investigate the sources of the organizational power of think tanks in Ukraine as a case of a limited access order (LAO), a social order where privileged individuals maintain discretionary access to societal resources, functions, and institutions. To accomplish this goal, we apply Thomas Medvetz's analytical concept of a "boundary organization," which allows us to highlight the hybridity and flexibility of think tanks and thus understand their methods of gaining political access in an LAO. The analysis of interviews with senior representatives of nongovernmental think tanks in Ukraine in 2016–2017 demonstrates that Ukrainian think tanks are resourceful and find indirect ways of influencing politics. These organizations publish their reports in the media and deliver assessments of Ukraine's international commitments to the country's donors, thereby indirectly influencing the policy process in the country. Ukrainian think tanks also comply with the expectations of a boundary organization, accumulating and converting economic, academic, and media capital into political capital, using advocacy and networking as conversion tools. One important difference between the expectations of Medvetz's framework and our findings is that political capital seems to be the goal of think tank activity, while the three other types are used merely instrumentally.
In: Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society v.245
Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- List of Appendices -- List of Abbreviations -- Foreword by Sabine Kropp -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 Problem definition and research question -- 1.1.1 Why should we care about formal institutional mechanisms for citizen participation? -- 1.1.2 Ukraine's hybrid regime as an ambiguous case for local citizen participation -- 1.1.3 Why is the variation in institutional mechanisms for citizen participation in Ukraine puzzling? -- 1.1.4 The research question -- 1.2 Central argument: Institutions for citizen participation as a by-product of local patronal politics -- 1.3 Methodological approach -- 1.4 Contribution -- 1.5 Structure of the book -- 2 Citizen Participation Concept and Its Operationalization for the Cases in Ukraine -- 2.1 Conceptualizing citizen participation -- 2.1.1 Theoretical approaches to citizen participation: Between democracy enhancement and government efficiency -- 2.1.2 Definition of citizen participation as a multi-dimensional process -- 2.2 Operationalizing citizen participation through formal institutional mechanisms -- 2.2.1 Institutional mechanisms for citizen participation in Ukraine -- 2.2.2 Measurement of variation in institutional mechanisms for citizen participation -- 2.3 Conclusion -- 3 A Framework for Explaining Variation in Opportunities for Local Citizen Participation -- 3.1 Unpacking the context for citizen participation: Hybrid political regime -- 3.1.1 Alternative conceptualizations of regime hybridity -- 3.1.2 Hybrid regime as the outcome of elite interactions that limit access to societal resources and functions -- 3.2 Conceptualizing patronal networks and their arrangements -- 3.2.1 Arrangements of patronal networks: The typology -- 3.2.2 Cohesion in patronal networks -- 3.2.3 Delineating patronal networks from corrupt networks.
Includes bibliography ; Although the concept of open government (OG) is increasingly applied in public policy around the world, there is as yet no systematized overview of OG implementation in the education sector, its advantages, and the possible risks. In order to fill this gap, this book clarifies the conceptual confusion around the term 'open government' and provides a working definition for the education sector. It elaborates a theory of change for OG implementation in two different contexts: where corruption is an exception, and where corruption is the norm in governance. It then maps out and assesses the characteristics of 34 recent OG initiatives conducted in the educational field worldwide. The book highlights that in countries with occasional corruption, OG is mostly used to meet stakeholders' education-related needs, but that in countries with systemic corruption, participatory initiatives often target the implementation or monitoring of a given policy. It concludes with some practical recommendations for IIEP's new research on 'Open Government in Education: Learning from Experience', launched as part of its 2018–2021 Medium Term Strategy.
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In: East European politics, Band 37, Heft 1, S. 43-64
ISSN: 2159-9173
What is the importance of linkages between civil society and external actors? In this article we map the landscape of civil society organisations in Belarus and Ukraine linked to the EU or Russia. Compiling an extensive dataset of organisations, we identify which domains they belong to. We find that linkages with Russia prevail in the culture domain and are based on shared past and exclusive identities. By contrast, linkages with the EU operate in domains related to a democratic future and include diverse groups. These linkages interact dynamically with limited access orders: where they can contribute to opening, they are often restricted.
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What is the importance of linkages between civil society and external actors? In this article we map the landscape of civil society organisations in Belarus and Ukraine linked to the EU or Russia. Compiling an extensive dataset of organisations, we identify which domains they belong to. We find that linkages with Russia prevail in the culture domain and are based on shared past and exclusive identities. By contrast, linkages with the EU operate in domains related to a democratic future and include diverse groups. These linkages interact dynamically with limited access orders: where they can contribute to opening, they are often restricted ; Politikos mokslų ir diplomatijos fakult. ; Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas
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In: Soviet and post-Soviet politics and society vol. 217
Inhaltsverzeichnis: Intro -- Inhaltsverzeichnis -- Vorwort -- I. Die politische Seite des Protests -- Demokratisierungsprozesse und ihre Akteure: Ein Überblick zum Stand der Theoriebildung -- 1. Staatlichkeitskonflikte -- 2. Ökonomische Ungleichheit -- 3. Eliten, Patronage und Privatisierung -- 4. Koalitionen zwischen Unternehmern und Reformern -- 5. Zivilgesellschaftliche Protestbewegungen -- Fazit -- Bibliografie -- Das Protestpotenzial in Russland im Lichte des Kosten-Nutzen-Kalküls und der Kontext wirtschaftlicher Rezession -- Einleitung -- 1. Der theoretische Rahmen -- 2. Politische Gelegenheitsstruktur in Russland -- 3. Die Dynamik der Proteste in Russland -- 3.1 Nicht-politisierter Protest -- 3.2 Politischer Protest -- 4. Kosten auf Regierungsseite -- 5. Wirtschaftlicher Abschwung als Auslöser eines neuen Protestzyklus -- 6. Ausblick und Schlussbetrachtung -- Bibliografie -- Gekommen, um zu bleiben? Ablauf und Entwicklung des Protestzyklus 2011-2013 in den russischen Regionen -- Einleitung -- 1. Protest in den Regionen bis 2011 -- 2. Die Proteste "Für ehrliche Wahlen" -- 2.1 Auslöser, Mobilisierung, Zusammensetzung und Intentionen: Ein erster Überblick -- 2.2 Die Form des Protestzyklus und Erklärungsversuche der regionalen Unterschiede -- 2.3 Akteure und Allianzen: Die Fallstudien -- 2.4 Reaktionen der "Macht" -- 3. Wie weiter? -- Bibliografie -- Civil Society and State Relations beyond Protest: The Case of Defense Volunteer Movement in Ukraine -- Introduction -- 1. Relations between civil society and the state -- 1.1. Functions and boundaries of civil society and the state -- 1.2. Civil society and war -- 1.3 Civil society-state relations in times of war -- 2. The case of the Ukrainian defense volunteer movement -- 3. Research methodology -- 3.1 Theoretical framework -- 3.2 Selection of the respondents.
Changing collective behaviour and supporting non-pharmaceutical interventions is an important component in mitigating virus transmission during a pandemic. In a large international collaboration (Study 1, N = 49,968 across 67 countries), we investigated selfreported factors associated with public health behaviours (e.g., spatial distancing and stricter hygiene) and endorsed public policy interventions (e.g., closing bars and restaurants) during the early stage of the COVID-19 pandemic (April-May 2020). Respondents who reported identifying more strongly with their nation consistently reported greater engagement in public health behaviours and support for public health policies. Results were similar for representative and non-representative national samples. Study 2 (N = 42 countries) conceptually replicated the central finding using aggregate indices of national identity (obtained using the World Values Survey) and a measure of actual behaviour change during the pandemic (obtained from Google mobility reports). Higher levels of national identification prior to the pandemic predicted lower mobility during the early stage of the pandemic (r = −0.40). We discuss the potential implications of links between national identity, leadership, and public health for managing COVID-19 and future pandemics.
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