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The UK withdrawal from the European Union forced the country to reevaluate its relations with the outer world. These political and ideological searches culminated in the concept of Global Britain. At the same time, they have drawn attention of the academic community to similar intellectual endeavors at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries, when British politicians also faced the need for a qualitative reassessment of the empire's place in the world. In this context historical references can both help to place the concept of Global Britain within a broader ideological and political framework and shed light on some of its less obvious aspects. And it is particularly interesting to compare it with the concept of Greater Britain, which was extensively discussed during that period. The first section of the paper identifies the origins of the Greater Britain concept, as well as its key provisions. The author notes that the idea of 'Greater Britain', aiming to create a sort of federation that would bring together the metropole and the dominions, emerged as a response to growing centrifugal tendencies within the British Empire and intensification of colonial rivalry between the great powers. The second section outlines the conceptual core of the 'Global Britain', which involves expanding the scope of the UK foreign policy opportunities after leaving the European Union by establishing a more active interaction with countries and regions that were once part of the empire. The paper emphasizes the migration factor, which served as a fundamental element of the British statehood in various periods of its history and became an integral part of the British political identity. The author argues that there is a certain continuity in the ideological and philosophical content of the two concepts, which were both formulated in similar conditions, both originated from the search for new guidelines for the UK policy in a changing world. However, these concepts shouldn't be confused. Whereas 'Greater Britain' was aimed at consolidating the crumbling empire, 'Global Britain' is intended primarily to bridge various divides across the society, which in turn implies re-examination of the UK national identity in general. The author concludes that the concept of Global Britain in its current form cannot address these issues, on the contrary, it rather epitomizes the lack of innovative ideas and solutions among contemporary British elites.

The main purpose of the research is to identify the achievements and failures of the European Communi-ties/European Union development policies in terms of countering unwanted migration from third countries to Europe. European development policy started in the 1950–1960s due to the colonial past of many European states which felt responsibility for their ex-colonies. Common development policy was based at first on the values, but later transformed to serve the European geopolitical interests. Therefore, the European development policy changed from providing unilateral preferences and gratuitous help to making any aid conditional on the partner's ability to meet the EU requirements. Thus, the responsibility for development was gradually moved from Europe to the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states. In the 2000s, the need to prevent massive immigration making it more manageable became one of the regular EU interests. Therefore, the European Union launched the external dimension of its migration policy that was aimed at making development work for migration prevention. This trend contributed to the EU development policy reorientation from the poorest states to the nearest ones. Although the EU development policy was transformed, it failed to meet most of its aims. The main failures were the expectation to limit immigration in the short-term and overestimation of the Union's normative power. Because of both Brussels' inability to ensure development globally and the widening gap in the welfare between the ACP states and Europe, the immigration to the EU is unlikely to drop until 2060s.

The UK European Union membership referendum 2016 and its results actualized the study of the British initiatives in the sphere of integration before the entry into the European Economic Community in 1973. The article is devoted to the little-known in Russian historiography "Grand Design"of H. Macmillan, nominated in the wake of the failure of the Suez operation against Egypt in 1956. Plan with such bright and eye-catching name suggested the creation of a broad integration group in Europe as alternative with Britain as a leader to the preparing for the establishment of projects of the European Economic Community and the European Atomic energy community. The project was designed to restore the prestige of the Conservative Party and to strengthen the shaky position of Britain in NATO and European affairs after Suez Crisis. At the same time the emergence of the plan reflected the desire of the Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan to weaken the struggle inside political establishment between supporters and opponents of the country's full-fledged participation in the European integration and take the lead in the integration movement from France. Analysis of the content of the project and attempts to implement it within the framework of a Free Trade Area (FTA) reveals the essence of the "special position" of the UK towards supranational integration and the British vision of the future of European integration. Modern United Kingdom appeared in the new European realities after the Referendum on the country's membership in the European Union and returns to the starting point on the path of supranational integration and to the search for its place in Europe. In these circumstances, the ideas expressed by British politicians more than half a century ago, may again prove to be demanded and relevant.

In recent years, sport reflects the most painful trends in social development, economics, culture, and international politics.Major international sporting events of the summer 2021 reveal, according to authors, the crisis of Olympism and degradation of the ideological and philosophical basis of professional sport, which is an important element of international relations undergoing a noticeable transformation under the influence of the coronavirus pandemic and the exacerbation of racist traumas of the past.The study is based on social constructivism, it uses elements of critical discourse analysis and comparative analysis. European Football Championship and Olympic Games in Tokyo 2021, FIFA 2022 qualifiers show some politically motivated refereeing, as well as bursts of racism on the part of individual participants. The principle of "political correctness" widespread in the West makes it difficult to discuss and deal with historical and colonial traumas, as well as with the crisis in the values of "fair play" in professional sports, caused by its commercialization and politicization.The article concludes that the observed facts stem, among other things, from the revival of the Black Lives Matter movement in the spring of 2020, which spread beyond the borders of the United States, the formation and expansion of the "cancel culture", as well as the growing influence of social networks and media on world public opinion. The coronavirus pandemic, announced in the spring of 2020, has exacerbated old national problems, and brought to the fore new phenomena in world sports.

This paper is an attempt to reassess the role of the Locarno Treaties (1925) in terms of the Versailles-Washington system of international relations evolution. The authors argue that the Locarno Treaties represent one of the turning points in the development of the international order after World War I. The Treaties were not a mere add-on to the Versailles system, in fact, they had replaced it and became the main legal instrument for maintaining security in the region. In order to test this hypothesis and provide a better understanding of how the contemporaries themselves assessed these agreements, the authors examine them within a broader context of debates on the European security issues, which took place in the 1920s.The views of the British elites on this matter are of particular interest here, since it was the British diplomacy that was at the origin of the Locarno Conference in 1925. The paper draws on a wide range of recently declassified archival documents, as well as on the materials of the debates in the House of Commons and publications in the leading British newspapers. It allows the authors to trace the evolution of approaches by the main British political parties to security issues in Europe. A systematic comparison of views of the Conservative and the Labour party representatives on the Geneva Protocol and the Rhineland Pact shows that by mid-1920s the British political elites advocated for an in-depth transformation of the Versailles order, particularly, through the development of an effective mechanism for maintaining international security. On that basis a broad political consensus had arisen, which led to the formation of a new two-party structure (Tory-Labour) after World War I.The study begins with an overview of the political situation in Europe and in Great Britain in the early 1920s. Then, it examines the Labour Party's draft of the Disarmament Protocol, as well as the principal causes of its failure. Finally, the paper covers the preparatory process for and the progress of the Locarno negotiations. Special attention is paid to the debates in the House of Commons on the conference, particularly, on its outcome document - the Rhineland Pact.

The European Union undergoes several qualitative transformations. Today it faces major demographic changes, the distance between the EU and national states is growing because of Brexit and high rates of immigration to Europe. The configuration of mainstream parties is also transforming in an unpredictable way. All these processes bring the phenomenon of right-wing populism to the forefront of political life of the European Union. This phenomenon was an answer both to internal andexternal challenges. The aim of the article is to identify the components of right-wing populism using the examples of some memberstates, to show its threats and risks, as well as ways to minimize the impact of this phenomenon on all aspects of the EU life. To achieve this goal, party programs (primarily right-wing populist ones), national and European elections data, materials from the Eurobarometer and other public opinion services, speeches and interviews of leading politicians, and other materials are used. The methodological approach is based on the principles of interdisciplinarity. The authors used comparative-typological, functional and structural methods. The problems of immigration and Islamophobia in the EU are explained with the help of the civilizational concept of A.J. Toynbee. The structure of the article provides the study of the phenomenon of right-wing populism through such indicators as separation of elites from the population (including European democracy and lack of democracy), immigration (and Islamophobia), as well as the EU identity. The article provides a detailed analysis of the member- state cases including the United Kingdom, Austria, Germany, Italy, France, Sweden, the countries of Eastern Europe and others. The authors conclude that right-wing populism has dual nature, its significance in individual countries of the European Union increases, and it is deeply integrated into the party and parliamentary mechanism of European democracies.