In: Africa development: quarterly journal of the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa = Afrique et développement : revue trimestrielle du Conseil pour le Développement de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales en Afrique, Band 47, Heft 4, S. 1-23
The original Pan-African ideal had, as its programmatic agenda, the struggle to free Africans in the diaspora from slave bondage and to liberate the African continent from the despicable occupation by European imperial powers. This article revisits this agenda for liberation, placing it in the current crisis of globalisation and examining the continued marginal place of Africa in the global capitalist political economy. The article sketches out the genealogy and contours of the liberation agenda that looped the African diaspora to developments on the African continent, dating back to the antislavery struggles at the end of the eighteenth century through to the era of independent Africa. I argue that the highest point of the liberation agenda, the final defeat of apartheid in South Africa, ironically coincided with the deepening of Africa's place on the lowest rungs of the global capitalist system. Today, globalisation has fastened rather than loosened Africa's position on the ladder of the global political economy. To push back against Africa's continued marginal position perforce requires returning to the original motivation of the Pan-African agenda and ideal: the unity of purpose and collective action of Africans on the continent and in the diaspora for radical liberation.
In: Africa development: quarterly journal of the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa = Afrique et développement : revue trimestrielle du Conseil pour le Développement de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales en Afrique, Band 47, Heft 4, S. 1-23
In: Africa development: quarterly journal of the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa = Afrique et développement : revue trimestrielle du Conseil pour le Développement de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales en Afrique, Band 40, Heft 4, S. 159-188
In: Africa development: a quarterly journal of the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa = Afrique et développement, Band 38, Heft 1-2, S. 191-226
In: Africa development: quarterly journal of the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa = Afrique et développement : revue trimestrielle du Conseil pour le Développement de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales en Afrique, Band 38, Heft 1-2, S. 191-226
Though Africa historically has been the site of countless military coups d'état, civil-military relations across the continent have changed dramatically in recent years. What do these changes say about the military's ongoing role in Africa's political and social institutions? How useful are conventional models for understanding civil-military relations in the African context? The authors of Rethinking Civil-Military Relations in Africa address these questions, exploring the nature and significance of evolving relationships between political authority, military power, and society.
Within the broader context of securitized responses to Covid-19 globally, Uganda experienced an oversized military role, ranging from law-and-order and lockdown enforcement, to managing food-relief supplies, medical operations, and partisan political repression. What explains this excessive militarization? To address this poser, the article draws on secondary sources and key-informant interviews to test the hypothesis that military involvement in pandemic responses depends on pre-pandemic militarism. The findings reveal direct links between pre-crisis militarism and Covid-19 responses, contrary to the view that exceptionality and novelty of Covid-19 informed overly militarized responses. Through pandemic framing and institutional morphing, pre-pandemic militarism foregrounded military roles because Covid-19 provided Uganda's ruling elites with a public health pretext to heighten militaristic rule, clutch the political arena in the context of elections, and deepen military presence in civilian public health realms. This excessive militarization of public health seriously impacts civil–military relations, specifically command and control, reporting and accountability, and resources management.