Suchergebnisse

North Africans in France -- Crossing the street: gendered lives from the Maghreb to France -- Everywhere there is good and bad: cultural choices -- Wherever I go, I have my house: identity negotiation -- You have to be a fighter: coping with problems in France -- You can't transplant a flower twice: children and the future -- Conclusion: closed doors and opened doors

Public health crises around Thalidomide and Rubella changed American public opinion around abortion policy. But could the spread of Zika do the same amid an outbreak of new state-level abortion restrictions?

The "headscarf affair," Muslim girls wearing veils to school, has generated a storm of controversy in France. This study uses the headscarf affair to explore Muslim immigrant women's views of their place in French society and reveals that even those who disagree with French public opinion often invoke arguments that are more French than North African. Interviews with 41 North African women show that younger, well-educated women defend the headscarf as a matter of personal liberty and cultural expression. Older, poorly educated women either defend or reject the veil but never discuss the issue of secularism. In dismissing the veil, they rely on a different understanding of Muslim womanhood. A third group opposes the veil, arguing that the goal of school is integration. Respondents' answers are interpreted according to structural factors and cultural repertoires, both North African and French.

Conducts in‐depth interviews with 45 female North African immigrants to France about what they preferred and disliked in each country and about their own cultural behaviours. Cites individuals were concerned at the cold and distant interactions of the French and their relationship to money together with the stress of living in France, and liked the opportunities for employment and education and the greater freedoms for women. Considers the adaptations these women make towards French cultural norm and the specific traditions they actively maintain.

ObjectiveTo examine how parents of transracially adopted children think about and practice ethnic–racial socialization.BackgroundPrevious research has highlighted how some parents are color‐blind and others are color‐conscious, yet these 2 categorizations fail to cover the range and fluidity of adoptive parents' approaches to ethnic socialization.MethodSemistructured interviews were conducted with 34 parents of children with Asian, Latino, and Black ancestry. Parents were recruited through adoption agencies and support groups, personal contacts, and snowball sampling and were asked about attempts and concerns in ethnically and racially socializing their children. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and coded for common themes using the grounded theory method.ResultsSome parents downplayed race/ethnicity, but our findings elucidate their range of motivations from "protecting" their children from a racialized society to prioritizing other goals. More parents attempted to ethnically socialize but did so in varied ways, such as buying consumer items or forging relationships with people of their children's ethnic group. Compared with "color‐conscious" parents of Asian and Latino children, "color‐conscious" parents of Black children were more likely to emphasize preparation for bias.ConclusionAdoptive parents can vacillate between minimizing the impact of race to talking about steps taken to ethnically socialize children. Some parents note a profound change in their perspective at some point after adopting their children.ImplicationsDelving into more than 2 approaches to ethnic socialization and identifying changes over time affords a deeper understanding of parents' perspectives and behaviors and helps researchers interpret the mixed results found in past studies.

In this paper we examine the identity negotiation processes of North African immigrant women in France. Participants engaged in various forms of identity work, including selective association and management of appearance, as well as resisting others' attempts to categorize them as immigrants. Given that these women have chosen to move to France and remain there, this finding is surprising. Using the concept of the Not-Me identity, we explore how people can redefine and refuse labels that seem to be self-evident and to lack room for negotiation. At the same time, we examine how class and educational resources and other structural factors influence these immigrant women's ability to control others' perceptions of their identity.

Despite increasing awareness, there are gaps in implementers' policy initiatives and ability to effectively deploy programs that incorporate gender mainstreaming in refugee contexts. Challenges impacting the design and implementation of gender sensitive livelihoods programming are identified based on forty-eight interviews with UN and (I)NGO staff in Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). Problems include a lack of gender expertise, internalized gender stereotypes, lack of donor commitment to gender goals, not being able to measure outcomes, and/or time constraints. We highlight best practices that make programs that help women refugees obtain work more successful. At the same time, interviewees raised important questions concerning the appropriate metrics for measuring the success of 'livelihoods' initiatives, arguing that social integration, increasing women's soft skills and self-confidence were just as or more important than economic objectives of many initiatives being rolled out.

Sexual and reproductive health and justice (SRHJ) is key to gender equality and an important component of any long-term development strategy for countries emerging from conflict and civil war. Girls and women are vulnerable to various sexual and reproductive risks, which are exacerbated in conflict contexts and can have both short- and long-term economic implications for them, their families, and their communities. Yet neoliberalism and patriarchal power structures prevent women's economic well-being from being a priority when postconflict policies are designed. Applying a gender lens to postconflict policies, we illustrate why addressing reproductive justice in postconflict contexts is both a gender justice issue and a macroeconomic imperative, as well as providing concrete policy recommendations, including the imposition of a global arms tax, to fund postconflict SRHJ priorities.JEL Classification: O2, I1, B54

This article focuses on the recent resurgence of concerns regarding fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS). A report from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) warning even women not trying to conceive to abstain from alcohol completely if not using contraceptives, and a medical article covered by the New York Times that claims that rates of FAS are much higher than previously thought, have reignited anxiety over FAS, even though there remains substantial gray area in the relationship between alcohol and pregnancy outcomes. Not only is there scant evidence that less than a drink a day affects offspring, and none that an occasional drink during pregnancy has any effect, even among alcoholic women, FAS is more than 10 times more likely to strike the children of poor alcoholics than those of higher means who drink excessively. We explore why researchers, physicians, and public health officials continue to hyperbolize the effects of drinking alcohol leading to recommendations that target not just alcoholic women, but all women, pregnant or not. Building on past authors' suspicion of previous overblown cautioning about FAS, we do in-depth tracing of the bibliographic lineage of these warnings, highlighting the problems with the medical researchers' and health agencies' recommendations including extending the scope of the problem and relying on misleading statistics. We argue that while policing women's bodies to insure compliance with "proper" feminine behavior is an ongoing phenomenon, these new attacks on women's autonomy veiled in scientific language must be unmasked and challenged.

Applying an intersectionality framework to nuance the concepts of cumulative dis/advantage, this article examines the barriers to and/or pathways by which highly skilled North African and Tamil-Indian immigrant women access professional labor markets in France and the United States, respectively. We find that the cumulative, interactive effects of four mediating mechanisms—interaction of local labor markets and immigration regimes, the education-work experience nexus, social capital in social networks, and racialization—result in divergent labor market outcomes for North African and Tamil women. While for Tamil women, early disadvantage in immigration is converted to contingent advantage enabling them to access highly paid, professional work in the United States, for their North African counterparts, comparative early advantages are eroded to categorical disadvantage and their confinement to feminized, low-wage work in France. We argue that the downward economic mobility associated with skilled immigrant women's labor market transitions is not as universal as is often theorized.