Suchergebnisse

This book provides a critical feminist analysis of the Korean Protestant Right?s gendered politics. Specifically, the volume explores the Protestant Right?s responses and reactions to the presumed weakening of hegemonic masculinity in Korea?s post-hypermasculine developmentalism context. Nami Kim examines three phenomena: Father School (an evangelical men?s manhood and fatherhood restoration movement), the anti-LGBT movement, and Islamophobia/anti-Muslim racism. Although these three phenomena may look unrelated, Kim asserts that they represent the Protestant Right?s distinct yet interrelated ways of engaging the contested hegemonic masculinity in Korean society. The contestation over hegemonic masculinity is a common thread that runs through and connects these three phenomena. The ways in which the Protestant Right has engaged the contested hegemonic masculinity have been in relation to?others,? such as women, sexual minorities, gender nonconforming people, and racial, ethnic, and religious minorities

There is a saying that if one looks at Seoul at night from afar, one will see a large city covered with neon-lit red crosses. It is also said that a Christian church can be found on every other block in the streets of Seoul, the capital of the Republic of Korea (also known as South Korea). To be sure, this is not the case. Yet this embellished illustration of Seoul as a Christian symbol of a cross-covered city conveys the message that Christianity is no longer a foreign or a Western religion, but has, rather, become a major religious tradition in South Korea as represented in its capital. Christianity may not be the majority religion in terms of demographics, but it has certainly become a dominant religion in terms of social and political influence as well as economic power in South Korea.

The State of Louisiana recently enacted S.B. 839, a state law that mandates the use of the flag of the former Democratic Republic of Vietnam at all state-sponsored public functions and public schools where Vietnam is to be represented. S.B. 839 has added further tension to the relationship between Vietnam and the United States, which is already strained by the unresolved issue of American prisoners of war ("POWs"), those missing in action ("MIA") in Vietnam, and the recent opening of Vietnam's economy to the rest of the world. Although fifty-nine cities and three other states in the United States have passed resolutions similar to the law in Louisiana, S.B. 839 remains the only state legislation that retains vigorous anti-Communist language and forbids the flying of the actual Socialist flag. S.B. 839 is a form of unprotected government speech that intrudes on the federal government's exclusive power to handle foreign affairs in violation of the Dormant Foreign Affairs Power ("DFAP") doctrine. Established by the Supreme Court in Zschernig v. Miller, this doctrine has never been overruled. The Supreme Court has never directly spoken to the specific issue of flags as implements of foreign policy. Lower courts have limited their use of the DFAP doctrine to arguably more material issues, such as selective taxation or the denial of higher education to certain foreign students. Yet S.B. 839 touches upon the main concerns behind the DFAP doctrine: unwanted disturbance of the relationship between the United States and a foreign country, and encouragement of similar action by other states and cities. Because S.B. 839 poses a challenge to the traditional isolation of states from foreign affairs, the Vietnamese-American community should propose a version of S.B. 839 in the United States Congress if they wish to address their underlying concerns.

"Feminist Praxis against U.S. Militarism provides critical feminist and womanist analyses of U.S. militarism that challenge the ongoing U.S. neoliberal military-industrial complex and its multivalent violence that destroys people's lives, especially women and other vulnerable populations"--

AbstractCorporate social responsibility (CSR) has recently been emphasized as an important focus area of small and medium‐sized enterprises (SMEs) for achieving sustainable competitiveness. As most SMEs have scarce resources, however, their CSR implementation has varied significantly. This study investigated why some SMEs actively engage in CSR by suggesting export participation for CSR engagement. This motive differs from the widely believed motive of SMEs for their active engagement in CSR: their relationships with their local communities. Considering the distinctive features of SMEs, this study also examined how the relationship between SMEs' exports and their CSR engagement is moderated by the influence of the SMEs' CEOs and markets. By studying the CSR activities of 614 SMEs in South Korea drawn from a survey of the Ministry of SMEs and Startups, we found that exporters are more likely to be engaged in CSR. Moreover, the relationship between export participation and CSR was stronger in SMEs with family CEOs and in business‐to‐business‐focused SMEs.

This study explored how perceived stress and other common characteristics affected the alcohol consumption of the Filipino migrant workers in South Korea. 201 Filipino migrant workers (78.1% male, 21.9% female) completed the questionnaire containing the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS) for measuring perceived stress and Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test-C (AUDIT-C) for measuring hazardous drinking. Pearson's correlation, regression analysis, T-test and ANOVA were used for statistical analysis. The results revealed that perceived stress was significantly correlated with alcohol consumption among undocumented migrant workers but not with their documented counterparts. Perceived stress also was found to have predicted alcohol consumption among the undocumented migrant workers. Significantly, documented migrant workers have lower levels of perceived stress and alcohol consumption compared to the undocumented migrant workers.