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This article reflects the growing interest of governments, international development, peace and interfaith organizations, and academics in the link between religions and conflict, and in the fact that religion often serves as a vehicle and language for protest and conflict. It is often deeply implicated in national, ethnic, cultural, and/or geopolitical considerations. The article also reflects the fact that religious studies as a discipline is increasingly required to demonstrate public relevance and impact in debates concerning the role of religion in conflict and conflict transformation. It grows out of a research project which explores the potentially constructive role of religions in active peacebuilding, postconflict reconciliation and restorative justice while acknowledging that there are multiple interpretations of religious traditions that can relate to militancy, chauvinism and nationalist ideologies. The project is focused on post-conflict Nepal, and works horizontally and vertically with grassroots and local organizations as well as with transnational institutions and international bodies. This article is a preliminary contextualization of one strand of the project, Buddhist contributions to the peace-building and post-conflict recovery. It draws a broad picture of the ways in which Buddhism has been constructed politically as a universalist culture of peace, but is also associated with competing ethnic identities and 'nationalities'. It considers how far Buddhist organizations, communities and leaders have been able to engage with the immediate causes of the civil war (1996–2006), and the deep structural issues, inequalities and injustices which drive grievance and violence.

Lee Marsden (ed.), The Ashgate Research Companion to Religion and Conflict Resolution. Farnham: Ashgate, 2012. 421 pp. £85. ISBN 978-1-4094-1089-8 (hbk), ISBN 978-1-4094-1090-4 (ebk-PDF), ISBN 978-1-4094-7128-8 (ebk-ePUB).

This article examines accounts of the deaths of notable ISKCON devotees, beginning with that of the founder, and shows how these are presented as examples to other devotees. Death is understood as merely a transition, and the glorious death as the culmination of a process of conscious dying which takes place within the communion of devotees. Recollecting these glorious deaths, devotees learn how to die and how to mourn. From this perspective, pain and suffering are trials given by Krishna to purify his devotees. They are therefore never beyond the capacity of the individual bhakta (devotee) to endure, and can be welcomed and transcended. The final goal is an auspicious and joyful death, which may be far from the kind of instant death for which many now hope. This article argues that ISKCON's understandings of dying, death and mourning are shaped by the Hindu/ Chaitanyite Vaishnava tradition, but are also being transformed in turn by the new globalized media, particularly the worldwide web, by biomedical models and by 'Western' approaches epitomized by the hospice movement. The glorious disappearance now therefore exhibits traditional, modern and postmodern features.

As in the adage that `a conservative is just a liberal who has been mugged', many presume that punitive public attitudes are derived from the direct experience of crime and victimization. People become `fed up' with criminality and seek to strike back at lawbreakers. Social theories of punitiveness, on the other hand, typically portray punitiveness as a form of scape-goating in which offenders are just a stand-in population, masking more abstract anxieties. This survey was designed to explore both of these hypotheses with a sample ( N = 940) of the British public. A multivariate analysis of survey responses finds that factors such as concerns about the economy and the state of `the youth today' account for a substantial proportion of the effect of actual crime concerns on punitiveness. Crime-related factors, such as victimization experiences or anxieties about crime, on the other hand, do not appear to be strong predictors of punitiveness in this sample.

With the release of the Casey Report, Engaging Communities in Fighting Crime (Casey, 2008), improving public confidence in criminal justice work, and community penalties in particular, has become a central concern for the British Government. Among the other suggestions for improving public confidence in community interventions is to require those doing community service work to wear fluorescent bibs identifying themselves as `offenders'. In this article, we review what is known about public opinion regarding community penalties, and discuss two possible routes to changing these attitudes: one is cognitive and the other is emotive. We review the research evidence on both, and discuss the likelihood of either being successful. We conclude by returning to the context of the Casey Report and assessing the likelihood that the Casey proposals will be successful on the basis of the evidence reviewed.

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