On the Outside of the Voting Booth Looking In : Early America to 1850 -- Demanding, Getting, and Losing the Vote : 1850-1925 -- Civil Rights and the Fight for the Franchise : 1925-1970 -- A Period of (Relative) Stability and Incremental Expansion of Voting Rights : 1970-2000 -- Partisanship Clouds Battles over Voting Rights and Election Integrity : 2000-2016 -- Open Partisan Warfare over Voting Rights : 2016 to Present.
"Through primary sources, this volume examines the history, evolution, and major contemporary controversies associated with voting rights in the United States, devoting particular attention to demographic groups including women, young people, people of color, and poor people"--
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Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Introduction: Why Don't Americans Vote? The History of the Franchise in the United States -- 1. Declining Trust and Efficacy and Its Role in Political Participation -- 2. Qualifying to Vote: Voter Registration Requirements -- 3. Digitizing Democracy: Online Voter Registration -- 4. Political Citizenship: Whether and Why College Students Vote -- 5. Nonprofit Voter Registration and the Limitations on Nonprofit Advocacy -- 6. Why Bother? Apathy in the American Electorate
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ObjectiveThe objective of this research is to evaluate the role of state policy and election precinct evaluations on citizen confidence in individual and nationwide electoral outcomes.MethodsUtilizing the 2012 Survey and Performance of American Elections (SPAE) and data from the National Conference of State Legislatures, a series of ordered logistic regression models and probability estimates are presented.ResultsEvaluations of voting precincts, specifically poll workers, polling locations, and voting machines have an effect on electoral confidence. Confidence, however, is not consistent. Racial identification and partisan affiliation continue to shape citizen confidence in American elections. Voter identification requirements, outside of racial considerations, do not affect confidence in individual or nationwide ballot outcomes.ConclusionsThe administration of American elections effects citizen confidence in electoral outcomes. Reforms in this area have the capacity to improve citizen confidence, trust, and potentially political participation.
Felony disenfranchisement is the removal of the right to vote following a felony conviction. Although it is clear that felony disenfranchisement constitutes diminished political capacity for citizens with felony convictions, what is not clear is the extent to which disenfranchisement reduces participation among those who are eligible to vote; particularly among African Americans who are overrepresented in the disenfranchised citizen population. In assessing the relationship between felony disenfranchisement policy and political participation, scholars have argued that socialization is the primary mechanism linking felony disenfranchisement to the political behavior of voting eligible citizens, finding that in the most policy severe states, turnout is lower. However, what the policy-severity-based perspective fails to acknowledge is changes to disenfranchisement policy that affect the restoration of civil rights; changes that often occur without affecting the severity of felony disenfranchisement policy while dramatically changing the size of the disenfranchised population in a given state. Given the role of socialization in the transmission of participatory norms, assessing the impact of disenfranchisement requires using measures that take into consideration both severity and restoration. Utilizing estimates of state-level disenfranchisement and African American disenfranchisement from the 2004 presidential election, this analysis investigates the relationship between disenfranchisement and African American voter turnout. The findings suggest that African American disenfranchisement plays a unique role in predicting African American voter turnout and lend themselves to the need to further consider the community and neighborhood effects of disenfranchisement on political participation and civic engagement.
Chapter 1 Introduction: A Dichotomy of Development: Women's Empowerment and Women's Inequality -- Section One: The Role of Women in Social Development in West Africa -- Chapter 2 I'll Find a Way or Make a Way: A Case Study of BASICS International's Social Community Development work in Ghana, West Africa -- Chapter 3 Women Traders at the Elmina Fishing Harbor: Harbingers of Ghana's Social Development -- Chapter 4 Women's Organizations on the Frontline: The Peacebuilding Project and the Fight Against Ebola and COVID-19 -- Section Two: The Role of Women in Economic Development in West Africa -- Chapter 5 Women and Microfinance in The Gambia: A Path to Empowerment and Financial Inclusion -- Abstract -- Chapter 6 Informally Formal: Women's Mutual Aid Organizations in the Informal Sector of the Economy -- Chapter 7 The Role of Market Associations in Facilitating Women's Informal Political Participation and Economic Development in Ghana -- Section Three: The Role of Women in Political Development in West Africa -- Chapter 8 The Invisibility Syndrome: Gambian Women in Politics -- Chapter 9 Gender and Politics in Ayawaso West Wuogon: Women Standing for Parliament -- Chapter 10 Relative Peace in the Midst of Unrest: Guinean Women's Peace Advocacy during the Mano River Wars -- Chapter 11 Redefining Liberian Women's Political Activism: The Legacy of the Women's Peacebuilding Movement -- Chapter 12 Conclusion: Promoting Development By Women, For Women.
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This edited volume zooms-in on the human-centric aspects of sustainable development, illuminating the various barriers that women in West African countries face in social, economic, and political spheres. The book capitalizes upon rich empirical material and rigorous qualitative social science approaches to document such barriers as well as describe how women rely on both formal and informal institutions to achieve better voice and representation. The many lessons drawn from this work offer practical insights and ideas for future research that are applicable to a variety of developing democracy contexts beyond the African continent. Alisa Moldavanova, University of Delaware, USA Considering the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Developments principle of leave no one behind which seeks to target the most vulnerable populations, this collection about the contributions by women to social, economic and political development in West Africa is on point. The qualitative approaches showcase stories that underline the voices of often the poorest of the poor. The authors recognize the challenges with entrenched discrimination and inequalities for women while also empirically demonstrating their relational agency and entrepreneurial spirit. Susan Appe, University at Albany, USA This book examines womens participation in social, economic and political development in West Africa. The book looks at women from the premise of being active agents in the development processes within their communities, thereby subverting the dominate narrative of women as passive recipients of development. Kelly Ann. Krawczyk is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science and Director of the Ph.D. Program in Public Administration & Public Policy at Auburn University. Bridgett A. King is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science and Director of the Master of Public Administration Program at Auburn University. .
In: State politics & policy quarterly: the official journal of the State Politics and Policy section of the American Political Science Association, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 418-437
AbstractDuring the most recent round of redistricting, many states have enacted a number of reforms to their mapmaking practices. One reform that has received increased attention in recent years is a ban on prison gerrymandering—the practice of counting incarcerated individuals in prisons instead of their home addresses. Eleven states drew districts while counting incarcerated persons in their homes after the 2020 Census. Though substantial research has investigated redistricting practices, far less attention has been paid to empirically examining the effect of prison gerrymandering on elections. We seek to fill this void by evaluating the effect of New York's ban on prison gerrymandering on state legislative elections between 2002 and 2020. We find that altering how the prison population is counted, indeed, altered the electoral dynamics across the state.