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The neoliberal-inspired "shock therapy" policies were designed to allow efficiency considerations to shape the new capitalist economies. Most experts theorized that these policies would enable postcommunist countries to close the gap with the West. After more than a decade, this prediction has been falsified. Fieldwork in 25 Russian firms demonstrates that the neoliberal prescription of mass privatization creates shocks that make successful enterprise restructuring almost impossible. Instead, most firms lower their technological level of production and retreat to nonmarket activity to survive. The result is a poorer economy with less growth potential and thus increased divergence with the West.

This article critiques the dominant neoliberal transition paradigm. The implementation of neoliberal reforms in the postcommunist world has fostered the creation of two different types of capitalism. Rather than enabling a transition to Western European-style capitalism, these reforms have produced divergence within the postcommunist world. This article uses comparative firm-level case studies from Russia & Poland to construct a "neoclassical" sociological alternative to neoliberal theory that can explain this divergence. In this account, intra-dominant class structure (the pattern of alliances between the Party bureaucracy, the technocracy, & humanistic intellectuals) at the time of the transition produces different "paths to capitalism," or policy regimes, which, in turn, have different effects on the ability of firms to restructure. In Russia, this creates a system of "patrimonial capitalism" that will produce long-term economic stagnation. In Poland, a variety of modern rational capitalism emerges. This latter system is distinguished by its very high levels of dependence on capital imports in comparison to the advanced capitalist countries. As a result, this type of economy will be quite vulnerable to economic shocks. 2 Tables, 2 Appendixes, 90 References. Adapted from the source document.

The complexity and possible invalidity of the 1984 amendments arise from Congress' refusal to constitute the bankruptcy courts as article III courts. The only group, if any, that this refusal has aided is the district court bench, by keeping their numbers small (except to the extent that additional bankruptcy duties re-quire additions to their numbers) and their status elite. The congressional action works against the needs of all parties involved in the functioning of the Bankruptcy Code and the judicial system itself. Debtors in Bankruptcy Code cases are left uncertain as to the authority of the bankruptcy courts adjudicating proceedings in their cases. New layers of potential litigation tactics have been added, which will further burden the bankruptcy court system and the district court system, both of which have sufficient real and legitimate work to perform. Aside from the merits of the arguments opposing the bankruptcy system instituted pursuant to the 1984 amendments, in view of the Supreme Court's pronouncements in Northern Pipeline, it is irresponsible for Congress to have enacted legislation containing such inherent risks of constitutional invalidity when the lives of so many financially troubled persons and companies look to the federal bankruptcy laws for a fresh start and reorganized future.

AbstractDeindustrialization is a major burden on workers' health in many countries, calling for theoretically informed sociological analysis. Here, we present a novel neoclassical sociological synthesis of the lived experience of deindustrialization. We conceptualize industry as a social institution whose disintegration has widespread implications for the social fabric. Combining Durkheimian and Marxian categories, we show that deindustrialization generates ruptures in economic production, which entail job and income loss, increased exploitation, social inequality, and the disruption of services. These ruptures spill over to the field of social reproduction, generating material deprivation, job strain, fatalism, increased domestic workload, anomie, community disintegration, and alienation. These ruptures in social reproduction are sources of psychosocial stress, through which deindustrialization gets embodied as ill health and dysfunctional health behavior. We substantiate this framework through the extensive qualitative thematic analysis of 82 life history interviews in Hungary's rust belt.

Amartya Sen's seminal "100 Million Missing Women" brought to light the rapid increase of sex-selective infanticide in India. Since then, interest in the related problem of pre-natal sex-selection has proliferated. Most analyses of the phenomenon, however, have been restricted to developing countries and been carried out at the national or large sub-national region. Pre-natal sex selection is understood as a product of the pull to reduce family size caused by a "demographic transition" combined with the swift spread of modern scanning technology within a still traditional culture or kinship structure that prioritizes male children. This article opens up the analysis of sex-selective abortion geographically, methodologically and theoretically. Using household surveys, we demonstrate high levels of sex-selection in Ukraine, a country without any tradition of son preference. Detailed analysis of household data suggests that pre-natal sex selection can be understood in the altruistic acts of mothers seeking to protect their unborn daughters from the hardships associated with being a woman under postcommunist capitalism. Thus, theoretically, we move away from a reliance on demographic, cultural and technological explanations towards a political economy analysis.

This article explores a key question in political sociology: Can post-communist policy-making be described with classical theories of the Western state or do we need a theory of the specificity of the post-communist state? In so doing, we consider Janine Wedel's clique theory, concerned with informal social actors and processes in post-communist transition. We conducted a case study of drug reimbursement policy in Poland, using 109 stakeholder interviews, official documents and media coverage. Drawing on 'sensitizing concepts' from Wedel's theory, especially the notion of 'deniability', we developed an explanation of why Poland's reimbursement policy combined suboptimal outcomes, procedural irregularities with limited accountability of key stakeholders. We argue that deniability was created through four main mechanisms: (1) blurred boundaries between different types of state authority allowing for the dispersion of blame for controversial policy decisions; (2) bridging different sectors by 'institutional nomads', who often escaped existing conflicts of interest regulations; (3) institutional nomads' 'flexible' methods of influence premised on managing roles and representations; and (4) coordination of resources and influence by elite cliques monopolizing exclusive policy expertise. Overall, the greatest power over drug reimbursement was often associated with lowest accountability. We suggest, therefore, that the clique theory can be generalized from its home domain of explanation in foreign aid and privatizations to more technologically advanced policies in Poland and other post-communist countries. This conclusion is not identical, however, with arguing the uniqueness of the post-communist state. Rather, we show potential for using Wedel's account to analyse policy-making in Western democracies and indicate scope for its possible integration with the classical theories of the state.