Suchergebnisse

Based on data provided by the International Consortium for Political and Social Research.

Analysis of detailed time diaries completed by a nationally representative sample of 583 married employed individuals, along with interview data obtained from a subset of 167 dual-earner couples, suggests that: (1) paid labor time & household work strongly reduce leisure time, with the former having the larger impact; (2) paid working during specific times of the day has different effects on specific types of leisure; & (3) an employed spouse's work schedule has little impact on the other spouse's leisure. The net direct effects of gender, life cycle, & socioeconomic factors on leisure are minor or nil. The impact of paid & unpaid work time on leisure is similar for men & women. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 21 References. Modified HA

On the basis of a mail survey of US authors (N = 2,241 writers with at least one book published), estimates of their general economic status are given. With few exceptions, authors earn little; the median writing-related income in 1979 was $4,775, a median rate of $4.90 an hour. Only those who can spend long hours writing stand a reasonable chance of making a modest income from it. The median writing-related income among the 23% of authors who work at least 40 hours at their writing was $16,000. Because of income from other sources, predominantly other professional jobs, & contributions from their spouses, most authors live modestly well; the median family income was $38,000. Almost 50% held a position besides freelance writing; fewer than 5% had been career-long, full-time writers. The unusual nature of the occupation is suggested by the fact that a wide range of their personal characteristics (demographic & SE), as well as important aspects of their writing careers (productivity, recognition, genre, time commitment) account for very little variation in economic success. 9 Tables, 18 References. Modified AA.

With multivariate analysis of national survey data from 1976 and 1980, we test the conventional wisdom that ownership has a conservatizing political effect and encourages political participation. Using measures of ideological identification, voting choice, and attitudes toward socioeconomic policy, we find that homeownership is associated to some extent with more conservative politics in the population as a whole, but its net effects are small or not significant. In terms of political participation, homeowners are somewhat more inclined to vote than renters, but not to participate more actively at the local or national level. We test also the proposition that homeownership has a conservatizing effect and promotes participation within the working class, in effect fragmenting it as a political force. Among workers, homeownership is associated modestly with a conservative orientation and participation in terms of voting.