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The rise of the 'gig' economy has placed a spotlight on employment status, leading to challenges over the nature of working relationships and attendant rights from increasingly diverse groups. The predominant image of the struggle against 'bogus self-employment' features the mostly young, male riders and drivers engaged in platform work. This article examines the distinctive campaign of foster carers to be recognised as workers, focusing upon the emergence of the campaign and the imaginative solidarities forged with seemingly disparate groups of precarious workers. Drawing from interviews and observation, this article explores the tactics used in contesting 'bogus' self-employment, the achievements and challenges faced. The concept of legal mobilisation is used as lens, capturing the blend of strategic litigation, organising and legal enactment. This article concludes by considering how this solidaristic project might be further broadened to provide fully inclusive protections for all those who work for a wage.

The article provides a conceptual critique of Kelly's mobilisation theory in terms of its analytical reach into debates regarding alternative forms of dispute, in order to develop more satisfactory ways to evaluate the meaning and significance of various acts of opposition in the contemporary workplace. Rethinking Industrial Relations reinvigorated its field, stimulating optimism, theoretical rigour and renewed faith in radical perspectives. However, most subsequent work has focused upon its implications for trade union organising and specific moments of collective mobilisation. Less well appreciated is the way in which mobilisation theory provides a theoretical foundation upon which to build a more expansive and detailed account of grievance formation within alternative trajectories of worker opposition in the context of state and employer counter-mobilisation.

This article addresses the question of what strategic litigation means for workers and trade unions. Drawing on the existing literature and on a series of semi-structured interviews with union officials, lawyers with experience in representing them and other actors from across the labour movement, it explores how U.K. trade unions and actors within them understand and experience strategic litigation and legal mobilisation, what they seek to achieve, and what has been effective and ineffective for them. Uncovering both differences and commonalities between different unions, it suggests that the decision to devote union resources to – usually very costly – litigation is never taken lightly. Trade union approaches to strategic litigation involve neither a straightforward embrace of it nor an outright scepticism regarding its potential.

The Scotland Act 2016 devolved powers over eleven social security benefits (including Carer's Allowance) providing Scotland with some, albeit limited, opportunity to differentiate itself in terms of welfare policy progressivity. The Carers (Scotland) Act 2016 set out the strategy for supporting those who limit their employment or educational enrolment due to the responsibility of caring for an adult or child with a health condition. Using a microsimulation of Scottish data from the Family Resource Survey, this article explores the potential impact, on income and poverty rates of carer households, of raising the level of CA by various amounts and by changing the eligibility criteria. It concludes that, while the Scottish Government's ambitions are too modest to fully support their progressive rhetoric, or to change the overall income inequality landscape, the reforms in targeted policy do make a substantial difference to the lived experience to carers in poverty and, by extension, to the receipt of that care.

The Scotland Act 2016 devolved powers over eleven social security benefits (including Carer's Allowance) providing Scotland with some, albeit limited, opportunity to differentiate itself in terms of welfare policy progressivity. The Carers (Scotland) Act 2016 set out the strategy for supporting those who limit their employment or educational enrolment due to the responsibility of caring for an adult or child with a health condition. Using a microsimulation of Scottish data from the Family Resource Survey, this article explores the potential impact, on income and poverty rates of carer households, of raising the level of CA by various amounts and by changing the eligibility criteria. It concludes that, while the Scottish Government's ambitions are too modest to fully support their progressive rhetoric, or to change the overall income inequality landscape, the reforms in targeted policy do make a substantial difference to the lived experience to carers in poverty and, by extension, to the receipt of that care.

Strike activity in Britain continues at its historically low ebb. The level of strikes is likely to remain low or even fall further as a result of the introduction of the Tory Trade Union Act 2016 on 1 March 2017. This raises the issue of whether other means of the expression and resolution of workplace grievances are being used instead when strike action is not or cannot be used. An examination of the available data on the frequency of these other means indicates such displacement has not occurred to any great extent, in part because we have also seen successive attempts by government to suppress the level of individual disputes over the last three to four decades.

Increasingly people in the UK are turning to voluntary sector advice organisations for help and support in dealing with everyday problems. Here we argue that advice organisations, who work in the borderlands of law, are nevertheless key players in legal arenas, focusing on local Citizens Advice offices supporting clients with employment problems. We look at the making of advisers as border-workers through programmes which turn volunteers into employment advisers; and the paid advisers who inhabit spaces on the edges of the profession. We examine the social practices of these advisers, the ways in which law-work becomes translation and advice-work becomes a process of co-production between adviser and client. In concluding, we consider how far into the legal arena it is possible to go with limited resources; and what happens when translating the technicalities of law no longer works. Translation comes to mean advisers turning to their activist-selves and adopting political tactics.

Increasing ly people in the UK are turning to voluntary sector advice organisations for help and support in dealing with everyday problems . Here w e argue that advice organisations, who work in the borderlands of law , are nevertheless key players in legal arenas , focusin g on local Citizens Advice offices supporting clients with employment problems. We look at the making of advisers as border- workers through programmes which turn volunteers into employment advisers; and the paid advisers who inhabit spaces on the edges of the profession. We examine the social practices of these advisers, the ways in which law -work becomes translation and advice -work becomes a process of co -production between adviser and client. In concluding, we consider how far into the legal arena it is p ossible to go with limited resources ; and what happens when translating the technicalities of law no longer works. Translation comes to mean advisers turning to their activist -selves and adopting political tactics.