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With tourism lauded throughout Latin America as a sure engine of economic growth, actual performance in the sector has varied to an extreme degree. Kirk Bowman asks why. Why did states become so actively involved in the tourism sector even as they were reducing their role in other sectors of the economy? Why have destinations with similar endowments differed so greatly in their success in attracting international tourists? And why does tourism in some cases contribute to broader socioeconomic development, and in other cases not? Drawing on extensive fieldwork in eight countries between 1996 and 2011, Bowman offers a rich comparative analysis and compelling explanations for both failed policies and impressive successes in using tourism to foster development in Latin America

"Since the early 1980s, Latin American countries have been innovative in a range of policy and cultural experiences, including health care, voting, pensions, and multiculturalism. And yet, their policy innovations are rarely found in textbooks. This book addresses that gap, providing a fascinating and wide-ranging exploration of both the history of "looking down" at Latin America and the political, economic, and cultural "lessons" (including successes, failures, and unintended consequences) that should inform important policy discussions around the world."--pub. desc

As a field of critical inquiry, cultural studies has engaged with the political primarily at the level of cultural politics—the politics of culture—and has all too often neglected political culture—the culture of politics. Although the emergence of cultural policy studies since the late 1980s has remedied this deficiency to some degree, cultural studies approaches politics and governmental policy primarily insofar as they impinge on a cultural domain bounded by the aesthetic and the intellectual. This essay addresses this lacuna in the cultural studies gaze by elaborating a discourse systems theory of political culture based on Michel Foucault's theory of discourse in The Archaeology of Knowledge, speech act theory, and autopoietic systems theory. The essay argues that political culture is an autopoietic, performative discourse system that regulates the production of political knowledge and the performance of political action.

Competitive elections are now a common mechanism for gaining power in much of the developing world. Many scholars, politicians, & citizens expect elections to lead to improved living conditions for the masses. This article tests the relationship between regime type & improvements in calorie consumption. Highly cross-section dominant pooled time series regression is employed on a longitudinal data set of 173 cases. Democracy has a strong & significant effect on changes in food consumption, & the relationship is U-shaped. Autocracies perform better than countries with a few years of democracy over a 15-year period. Countries with 12-15 years of democracy perform best. The article also proposes that change in calorie consumption is a useful surrogate for equity. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 53 References. Adapted from the source document.

Resumen Con base en evidencias empíricas el autor se opone a la hipótesis de que fue el compromiso y el consenso de las elites lo que llevo a la consolidación de la democracia en Costa Rica y muestra que aun en la década de 1950 los políticos estaban dispuestos a utilizar la fuerza para derribar a sus enemigos. Abstract Using empirical evidence the author rejects the hypothesis that it was compromise and consensus among Costa Rican Elites which lead to the consolidation of democracy in Costa Rican, and shows that even in the 1950´s politicians were willing to used force in order to bring down their opponents

Con base en evidencias empíricas el autor se opone a la hipótesis de que fue el compromiso y el consenso de las elites lo que llevo a la consolidación de la democracia en Costa Rica y muestra que aun en la década de 1950 los políticos estaban dispuestos a utilizar la fuerza para derribar a sus enemigos. ; Using empirical evidence the author rejects the hypothesis that it was compromise and consensus among Costa Rican Elites which lead to the consolidation of democracy in Costa Rican, and shows that even in the 1950´s politicians were willing to used force in order to bring down their opponents