Urząd Pełnomocnika Rządu ds. Równego Traktowania został powołany w celu umacniania praktyki egalitarnej. Wprawdzie w Polsce urząd ten ma ponadtrzydziestoletnią historię, to jego pozycja i siła oddziaływania na prawodawstwo i życie społeczne – są niezadowalające. Jest to konsekwencją upolitycznienia urzędu i nadania jego funkcjonowaniu kontekstu ideologicznego. Świadczą o tym zmieniające się nazwy i personalia. Jedynie powołanie niezależnej pod względem politycznym, centralnej instytucji, która monitorowałaby kwestie związane z równouprawnieniem i jego naruszeniami, pozwoli na profesjonalizację urzędu. Dopóty, dopóki premier rządu decyduje o tym, kto sprawuje tę funkcję, urząd Pełnomocnika pozostanie elementem gry politycznej. Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę przybliżenia tego problemu poprzez analizę zmian, jakie przez trzy dekady zachodziły w zakresie funkcjonowania urzędu.
XX wiek bywa nazywany "stuleciem kobiet". Feminizm drugiej fali, poprzedzony zaangażowaniem sufrażystek i ich skuteczną walką o prawa polityczne, doprowadził do przyspieszenia procesu kształtowania samoświadomości kobiet. Wszelako proces ten rozpoczął się znacznie wcześniej. Dziewiętnastowieczne protesty emancypantek poprzedzała stuletnia historia buntów kobiet. Wprawdzie ich motywacja na etapie siedemnasto- i osiemnastowiecznych kontestacji miała przede wszystkim charakter ekonomiczny i polityczny, a działania te były wspomagające względem aktywności mężczyzn, lecz rodziła się już wówczas refleksja nad nieekwiwalentnością społecznego wkładu kobiet i ich rzeczywistej partycypacji. Niniejszy artykuł jest zatem poświęcony owym nieśmiałym początkom odradzającej się świadomości równościowej, wyrażanej w różnych formach buntu i protestu.
The next parliamentary elections in Poland will be held on the basis of the amended elec- toral law. The changes introduced involve a quota system: the ballots are required to provide for at least 35% of women and at least 35% of men. Nearly a hundred years passed from 1918, when Polish women first won voting rights, till the President of Poland signed the so-called parity law. It would not be true, however, to say that this was a century of struggle for the equality of rights of men and women in our country. It was only after 1989 that efficient steps could be taken in this area in Poland. Therefore, the quota system that has been introduced, to be tested in practice soon, is actually the consequence of twenty years of endeavors. The advocates of such a solution consider this to be the first step towards electoral parity. Following the solutions that numerous European countries have introduced, public debate in Poland increasingly more often refers to proposals to 'spread' the quota system, and then parity, also to other domains, such as management or education. The opening of a serious debate on these issues will to a large extent depend on the results of the recent quota changes of the electoral law.
The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions. ; The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions.
The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns 'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions.
