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The article analyzes the present order, called neoliberal globalization. It serves American corporations from the arms, mining, financial and ICT sectors to accumulate the capital. They made Wall Street the financial center of the world where the surplus of Europe, Japan and Latin American is transformed into the American bonds. This order is embedded in the institutions created and steered by the American state. The competitive advantage in this phase of the evolution of capitalism is given not only by control over so-called intellectual property but also by conquering a possibly large market. That is the reason for the competition between huge mega-corporations such as American GAFA or Chinese BATX. Capitalism is affected by the planetary crisis. A decline of the economic growth rate will take place as a result of natural limits from 3% to the anticipated 1%, including a decreased productivity of the computer revolution. Mechanisms of the functioning of the world economy will change: reconstruction of energy industry and transport, pressure on recycling of minerals, transformation of the labour market together with the use of robotics and artificial intelligence, the end of consumptionism. The daily issues include the problem of supplementing economic globalization with a political control mechanism and including a new civilizational power, which China is becoming. The latter opt for a multipolar order, where local civilizations will preserve their separate character and where they will be able to create a system of supplying their economies with deficit raw material and outlets but without military bases and without following the USA in recognizing certain areas to be the "zones of vested interests". The world will be different but will it be worse?

Celem artykułu jest zarysowanie zagadnienia nauk społecznych i humanistyki w kontekście neoliberalnego kapitalizmu. Na początku zwraca się uwagę na rolę innowacji w akumulacji kapitału. Następnie przechodzi się do tzw. trójkąta bermudzkiego eksploatacji pracy akademickiej: biurokracji rządowej–uniwersytetu–biznesu. Kolejna część skupia się na funkcjach i specyfice nauk przyrodniczych i technicznych a humanistyki. Czwarty rozdział jest poświęcony wyjaśnianiu i rozumieniu w nauce o polityce. Tekst kończy się rozważaniami o sposobach oceniania humanisty.

This paper investigates the mechanisms of subordinating the system of science and higher education to the needs of boosting capital in the conditions of a new business model characteristic of neoliberal capitalism. The author uses as a theoretical framework of critical studies of science and higher education systems developed in Poland by Krystian Szadkowski based on political economy (Simon Marginson and Gigi Roggero). The weakness of the recently implemented reform of Polish education, the essence of which is making the status of 'scientist' dependent on publication in high-ranking journals belonging to publishing corporations' oligopoly, is that the natural and technical disciplines have been places on an equal evaluation footing with social sciences and humanities. This practice impoverishes the educational and critical functions of humanities, impoverishes the research questions, impoverishes the research methodology, and consequently, their cognitive values. The assessment of the quality of a social researcher's work, to be reliable, should include several other components—the presence of an "invisible university" in international networks (e.g. measured by selected citation indicators), but also problematization and interpretative innovation, as well as an original contribution to the achievements of the discipline. Monographs mainly document this. Qualitative expert assessment is required for evaluation. Therefore, the publication of monographs in reputable Polish and foreign publishing houses should become a showcase of the Polish social researcher, rather than contributing journal papers. In the paper, the author synthesizes his various analyses of contemporary capitalism and the role that science and the research and development sector play in accumulating capital.

The article shows the weakness of mainstream Polish political science. Its main weakness, according to the author, is omitting the industrial and corporate power conflict among the factors determining the contemporary politics. As a result, the relations between political science and political economy have become weak. Its place as a source of inspiration for political scientists has been taken by social philosophy. It seeks the various non-economic sources of politics. The postulated critical political science puts in the spotlight the main processes of the global capitalist economy located in a phase of stagnation and closing in on the natural limits of its duration. In particular, closer attention should be focused on tracking a new, already the fifth configuration of the market society. It will be the several partial processes weave; the recovery process of autonomy by the state to corporations and the financial sector (deglobalisation); the process of recovering control of the state by the old and new social movements (democracy participatory), and the process of transformation of the energy economy, coupled with the process of changing lifestyles: from consumerism to paideia as a human community responsive to its activity on the development, openness and creativity in shaping new rules for civilization.

The article shows the weakness of mainstream Polish political science. Its main weakness, according to the author, is omitting the industrial and corporate power conflict among the factors determining the contemporary politics. As a result, the relations between political science and political economy have become weak. Its place as a source of inspiration for political scientists has been taken by social philosophy. It seeks the various non-economic sources of politics. The postulated critical political science puts in the spotlight the main processes of the global capitalist economy located in a phase of stagnation and closing in on the natural limits of its duration. In particular, closer attention should be focused on tracking a new, already the fifth configuration of the market society. It will be the several partial processes weave; the recovery process of autonomy by the state to corporations and the financial sector (deglobalisation); the process of recovering control of the state by the old and new social movements (democracy participatory), and the process of transformation of the energy economy, coupled with the process of changing lifestyles: from consumerism to paideia as a human community responsive to its activity on the development, openness and creativity in shaping new rules for civilization. ; Artykuł ukazuje słabości mainstreamowej polskiej politologii. Główną jej słabością według autora jest pomijanie wśród czynników determinujących współczesną politykę konfliktu przemysłowego i władzy korporacji. W efekcie osłabły związki nauki o polityce z ekonomią polityczną. Jej miejsce jako źródło inspiracji dla politologów zajęła filozofia społeczna. Poszukuje ona różnych pozaekonomicznych źródeł polityczności. Postulowana politologia krytyczna umieszcza w centrum uwagi główne procesy globalnej gospodarki kapitalistycznej, znajdującej się w fazie stagnacji i zbliżającj się do przyrodniczych granic swego trwania. W szczególności bliższej uwagi wymaga śledzenie nowej, już piątej konfiguracji społeczeństwa rynkowego. Będzie to spolot kilku procesów cząstkowych; procesu odzyskiwania autonomii przez państwa wobec korporacji i sektora finansowego (deglobalizacja); proces odzyskiwania kontroli nad państwem przez stare i nowe ruchy społeczne (demokracja partycypacyjna), a także proces transformacji energetycznej gospodarki, sprzężony z procesem zmiany stylu życia: od konsumpcjonizmu do paidei jako wspólnoty ludzkiej ukierunkowującej swoją aktywność na potrzeby rozwojowe, na otwartość i kreatywność w kształtowaniu nowych zasad funkcjonowania cywilizacji ogólnoludzkiej.