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This article presents an analysis of Soviet law on the family which was valid in Lithuania from 1940, in order to ascertain how it reflected gender equality, how (or if) it was formed, the legal measures the state harnessed in order to create family and gender relation models in various areas of life, and what kind of family and gender policy formed as a result. The law is contextualised in this paper by immersing it in the social reality of its time. This allows us to determine what norms and provisions determined the political and legal resolutions of the Soviet authorities, and to discuss their influence on society. The two most impor-tant periods in Soviet gender policy are distinguished. Initially revolutionary and radical in Lithuania, with the aim of changing society to realise its goals, after the 1950s, state policy became more reactive, and adapted to the changed, modernised society and its needs. This paper proposes to see changes to women's situation during the Soviet period not as emancipation, but as (double) mobilisation. The reasons for the stagnation in masculinity in Soviet law and policy, for not keeping up with or adapting to the rapidly changing social reality, are also analysed. The contradictions in Soviet policy regarding the family and gender are shown, where it proved impossible to unambiguously apply 'conservative-liberal' or 'tradition-al-liberal' distinctions in both policy and reality.

This article presents an analysis of Soviet law on the family which was valid in Lithuania from 1940, in order to ascertain how it reflected gender equality, how (or if) it was formed, the legal measures the state harnessed in order to create family and gender relation models in various areas of life, and what kind of family and gender policy formed as a result. The law is contextualised in this paper by immersing it in the social reality of its time. This allows us to determine what norms and provisions determined the political and legal resolutions of the Soviet authorities, and to discuss their influence on society. The two most impor-tant periods in Soviet gender policy are distinguished. Initially revolutionary and radical in Lithuania, with the aim of changing society to realise its goals, after the 1950s, state policy became more reactive, and adapted to the changed, modernised society and its needs. This paper proposes to see changes to women's situation during the Soviet period not as emancipation, but as (double) mobilisation. The reasons for the stagnation in masculinity in Soviet law and policy, for not keeping up with or adapting to the rapidly changing social reality, are also analysed. The contradictions in Soviet policy regarding the family and gender are shown, where it proved impossible to unambiguously apply 'conservative-liberal' or 'tradition-al-liberal' distinctions in both policy and reality.

This article presents an analysis of Soviet law on the family which was valid in Lithuania from 1940, in order to ascertain how it reflected gender equality, how (or if) it was formed, the legal measures the state harnessed in order to create family and gender relation models in various areas of life, and what kind of family and gender policy formed as a result. The law is contextualised in this paper by immersing it in the social reality of its time. This allows us to determine what norms and provisions determined the political and legal resolutions of the Soviet authorities, and to discuss their influence on society. The two most impor-tant periods in Soviet gender policy are distinguished. Initially revolutionary and radical in Lithuania, with the aim of changing society to realise its goals, after the 1950s, state policy became more reactive, and adapted to the changed, modernised society and its needs. This paper proposes to see changes to women's situation during the Soviet period not as emancipation, but as (double) mobilisation. The reasons for the stagnation in masculinity in Soviet law and policy, for not keeping up with or adapting to the rapidly changing social reality, are also analysed. The contradictions in Soviet policy regarding the family and gender are shown, where it proved impossible to unambiguously apply 'conservative-liberal' or 'tradition-al-liberal' distinctions in both policy and reality.

This article presents an analysis of Soviet law on the family which was valid in Lithuania from 1940, in order to ascertain how it reflected gender equality, how (or if) it was formed, the legal measures the state harnessed in order to create family and gender relation models in various areas of life, and what kind of family and gender policy formed as a result. The law is contextualised in this paper by immersing it in the social reality of its time. This allows us to determine what norms and provisions determined the political and legal resolutions of the Soviet authorities, and to discuss their influence on society. The two most impor-tant periods in Soviet gender policy are distinguished. Initially revolutionary and radical in Lithuania, with the aim of changing society to realise its goals, after the 1950s, state policy became more reactive, and adapted to the changed, modernised society and its needs. This paper proposes to see changes to women's situation during the Soviet period not as emancipation, but as (double) mobilisation. The reasons for the stagnation in masculinity in Soviet law and policy, for not keeping up with or adapting to the rapidly changing social reality, are also analysed. The contradictions in Soviet policy regarding the family and gender are shown, where it proved impossible to unambiguously apply 'conservative-liberal' or 'tradition-al-liberal' distinctions in both policy and reality.

[text in Lithuanian]

[tekstas lietuvių kalba]

This paper analyses one of the earliest collective actions of intellectuals. It rose against the decision of Soviet authorities to build an underground garage in the center of the Vilnius old city. The network of activists collected signatures of prominent Lithuania's intellectuals to the petitions against this decision and managed to deliver these petitions straight into the hands of the first secretary of the Lithuanian communist party, and this was the main cause of the success of this action – excavations were stopped, and the well was back-filled. The social network analysis was used to analyze the functioning of the network of intellectuals. The main themes of the research are the structural characteristics of the network (the structure of the network and how it functioned); the tactics of the collective action; the external circumstances that benefited success (widespread norms within society such as trust and collaboration, the significance of formal and informal social statuses in dependence on the context). The research shows that even the anti-systemic actions of intellectuals were quite dependent on the within-system actions, so the informal networks of intellectuals weren't independent despite the anti-systemic values that prevailed within them. ; Straipsnyje1 analizuojama viena pirmųjų kolektyvinių kultūrininkų peticijų kampanijų prieš režimo politiką – vadinamoji "garažų istorija". Naudojantis tinklaveikos metodologine prieiga, analizuojami socialiniai ryšiai ir žmonių sąveikos kaip kolektyvinio veiksmo esminės sudedamosios dalys. Tyrime daugiausia dėmesio skiriama ne žmonių (ar grupių) santykiams su valdžios struktūromis, o keletui šios kolektyvinės akcijos vyksmo ypatybių, paaiškinančių jos sėkmę: vidinėms tinklo struktūrinėms savybėms (kas sudarė tinklą ir kaip jis funkcionavo), akcijos veikimo taktikai (kaip tinklas vykdė akciją) ir išorinėms prielaidoms (visuomenėje vyravusioms normoms, kaip antai pasitikėjimas ir bendradarbiavimas, skirtingų socialinių statusų reikšmei atsižvelgiant į kontekstą).1 Straipsnis parengtas įgyvendinant projektą "Nematoma sovietmečio Lietuvos visuomenė: neformaliųjų sisteminių ir nesisteminių tinklų skirties peržiūra (Nr. VP1-3.1-ŠMM-07-K-02-053)". Mokslinis tyrimas finansuojamas Europos socialinio fondo lėšomis pagal visuotinės dotacijos priemonę.