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More and more digital data is being generated every day, and more and more social scienceanalyses are using Twitter, Instagram, or Facebook data. Many international and national studieshave already explored the social science opportunities and dilemmas raised by the phenomenonof 'big data' - but the issue of 'access to data' has only been touched upon tangentially. Andaccess to data is becoming increasingly difficult. What can we do if market players close theaccess to their data, and, if we find data available, the Research Ethics Board tells us to stop? Theanswer is simple: go to the users and ask them for the data. This approach is what the literaturecalls data donation. This paper will describe the data donation approach in detail, focusing onhow researchers can access data through users on the current major Western platforms. Thepractical feasibility of data donation access will be illustrated based on a domestic pilot study.

In the recent national election in April 2018 in Hungary, the incumbent party (Fidesz) won again.During the campaign period, some of the media were full of stories about the scandals and corruption affairsof Fidesz. However, election results showed that these scandals did not decrease incumbent party support.What is the potential explanation for this? During the election campaign, we conducted an online surveyexperiment in Hungary, giving different treatments to respondents within the different sub-samples. Theformer were asked to read an article about a relevant corruption affair connected to different political actors.Our main hypothesis was that if people hear about scandals related to the government, support for theincumbent party will decrease. Results of the fitted logistic regression models suggest that information aboutincumbent-related corruption scandals did not affect voting for the incumbents. The most interesting resultwas that dominantly pro-government media consumers were more likely to vote for Fidesz after treatmentcompared to the control group. We thus think that the selection of information, the perceived credibilityof sources, and information processing were influenced by partisanship. In a natural reaction, partisanrespondents recalled their party identity and tried to respond to questions from the related viewpoints.

The role of networks has been growing attention in recent decades in explaining political behaviour. Political nexus aspects also get on the agenda in studying various resources of status attainment. Despite the general realization of these relevant network implications, some conceptual and measurement issues are still debatable. In this paper, we introduce a new tool for measuring political acquaintanceship networks, the Party Nexus Position Generator (PNPG). We will show how one of the most widely used SNA-instruments, the technique of position generator, could be transformed to apply for the measurement of political networks. We tested the tool in two countries, Germany and Hungary, with surveys administered by different methods: online and face-to-face. The presentation of findings on German and Hungarian political networks may help us understand how the broader settings affect the composition of political networks and their influences on political behavior. Results from two different countries may also contribute to assess the validity of the PNPG tools introduced by our study.

Question order effect refers to the phenomenon that previous questions may affect the cognitive response process and respondents' answers. Previous questions generate a context or frame in which questions are interpreted. At the same time, in online surveys, the visual design may also shift responses. Past empirical research has yielded considerable evidence supporting the impact of question order on measurement, but few studies have investigated how question order effects vary with the visual design. Our main research question was whether question order effects are different on item-by-item formats compared to grid formats. The study uses data from an online survey experiment conducted on a non-probability-based online panel in Hungary, in 2019. We used the welfare-related questions of the 8'th wave of ESS. We manipulated the questionnaire by changing the position of a question that calls forth negative stereotypes about such social benefits and services. We further varied the visual design by presenting the questions in separate pages (item-by-item) or one grid. The results show that placing the priming questions right before the target item significantly changed respondents' attitudes in a negative way, but the effect was significant only when questions were presented on separate pages. A possible reason behind this finding may be that respondents engage in a deeper cognition when questions are presented separately. On the other hand, the grid format was robust against question order, in addition, we found little evidence of stronger satisficing on grids. The findings highlight that mixing item-by-item and grids formats in online surveys may introduce measurement inequivalence, especially when question order effects are expected.

In crises, the importance of solidarity becomes crucial. Religious organizations, as members of civil society, have an essential role in promoting and participating in solidarity action. Dominant religious organizations thus can have the power to shape the image of solidarity in a crisis and, by creating a dominant narrative, to strengthen their social position. In times of crisis, hidden religious narratives could gain visibility, and religious authority could also gain more power. But in the previous migration crisis, religious actors failed to fulfill their solidarity role actively, and were unable to strengthen their public position in Hungary. We used both quantitative and qualitative text analysis methods to understand the role of religious actors in solidarity action during the COVID-19 pandemic. We have blended these methods with network analysis techniques to present the role of different actors in this communication process. Our results show that the appearance of religious or church-related actors does not infer a religious interpretation, per se. Many articles mentioned church-related organizations as good examples of solidarity, but this was not embedded into the religious narrative. Religious actors mentioned together with political actors were more visible in online media, but the lack of the former's own voice also shows the decreasing power of religious authority. However, we found religious narratives that called for new understanding and interpretations of the pandemic and its effect on society and the future, but those interpretations were represented mainly by Pope Francis, and echoed by only a few Hungarian actors, showing the lack of dominant and politically independent religious narratives about social issues in the media or the public sphere.

Az elmúlt évtizedben több publikáció jelent meg a magyar fiatalok és ezen belül az egyetemisták és főiskolások pártválasztásáról. Ezek az elemzések utalnak arra, hogy a fiatalok útja a pártokhoz összefügghet a kibocsátó család összetételével, a szociokulturális környezettel, a kortárs csoport összetételével, de az iskolarendszer szocializációs mechanizmusaival is. Kevés olyan tanulmány született azonban, amely a szocializációs dimenziókat együttesen, dinamikusan vizsgálta, és azt elemezte, hogy milyen politikai szocializációs utak révén kapcsolódik egy fiatal egy adott párthoz. Kutatásunkban komplex SEM-modellek (Strukturális Egyenletek Modellezése) segítségével felrajzoljuk azokat a tipikus utakat, amelyek nagy statisztikai valószínűséggel vezetnek el a Fideszhez. Azt feltételezzük ugyanis, hogy a rendszerváltás óta megfelelő hosszúságú idő telt el ahhoz, hogy a domináns párthoz vezető tipikus út pártidentifikációs alapon jöjjön létre. Eredményeink azt mutatják, hogy az egyetemisták körében a Fideszhez kötődés döntő faktora a vallásosság. Az értékek mentén definiált konzervativizmus ugyanakkor nem játszik szerepet, de a bal–jobb tengelyen való elhelyezkedés fontos diszkrimináló faktor.

A tanulmány azt kutatja, hogy a kormányzati politikától megerősítést kapott vallásosság milyen jegyekkel rendelkezik Magyarországon. A kutatás a társadalmi cselekvők értékrendjét az államilag szankcionált és nem szankcionált normaszegésekhez fűződő viszonyon keresztül értelmezi. A reprezentatív minta eredményei több dimenzióban is egyfajta szekularizált vallásosságot mutatnak. A magyarországi vallásosak értékorientációjában a szekuláris társadalomhoz való illeszkedés figyelhető meg. Főbb tendenciában az látható, hogy a vallásos emberek morális ítéletei nem különböznek a magukat nem vallásosnak vagy kifejezetten ateistának tartók felfogásától. Felszámolódóban van a vallásos hitnek azon jellege, amely keresztény gyökereihez híven vallásos világképét a vallási hagyomány értéktételezéséből nyeri. A magyarországi vallásosság ebben az értelemben a moralizálás nélküli hittel jellemezhető. A magyarországi vallásosak alapvetően már nem a szekularizált nyilvánosságban meghaladottnak tekintett vallási hagyományuk alapján tájékozódnak, hanem a szekularizált világ értékei mentén, ezzel óhatatlanul eltávolodva keresztény gyökereiktől. A vallási tradicionalizmus leginkább csak a homoszexuálisokkal kapcsolatos állásfoglalásban jelenik meg.

Tanulmányunkban egy országosan reprezentatív kérdőíves kutatás segítségével vizsgáljuk, hogy a kulturális mindenevőség kimutatható-e kifejezetten a zenei ízlés tekintetében a magyar társadalomban. A megkérdezettek ízlésbeli preferenciáit különféle műfajú zenei részletek meghallgatásával vizsgáltuk, majd látens profilelemzés segítségével csoportosítottuk. Eredményeink szerint a társadalmi státusz és az életkor az a két változó, amely leginkább kijelöli a zenei ízlésbeli csoportok határait. A zenei műfajok között fellelhető az abban az értelemben vett hierarchia, hogy a klasszikus zene kedvelése a magas-közepes, míg a mulatós zenéé a közepes-alacsony társadalmi pozícióval függ össze. Exkluzívan magaskulturális zenei ízlésű csoportot ugyanakkor nem találtunk. Különösen fontos eredménynek tartjuk, hogy három csoportot az alsóbb, a korábbi kutatások által eddig kevésbé sikeresen differenciált társadalmi rétegben is el tudtunk különíteni. E három ízlésbeli klaszter közös jellemzője a klasszikus zene elutasítása, ami jelzi, hogy Peterson eredeti tézisével összhangban a klasszikus zene kedvelése a mindenevőség jelenlétében is továbbra is fontos distinkciós szerepet tölt be az ízlés társadalmi hierarchiájában.

Extant literature concludes that corruption may have a devastating effect on economic growth and institutional trust in transitional democracies, but scholars remain divided on how malfeasance influences political behavior. In this article, we explore the likelihood of a mobilization effect of corruption in a post-communist setting. We argue that the indicators used in previous scholarship on corruption vary in important ways and may affect citizen incentives for participation differently. In particular, we hypothesize and then assess whether actual experience with bribery, perceptions of widespread corruption, and concerns about increase of corruption in the future encourage individuals to engage in different sets of activities. Original data from a 2014 post-election survey in Hungary are used for empirical tests of several regression models. Our findings suggest that the type of corruption assessment is important for the specific political activity in which a citizen would engage.

vOne of the most serious consequences of disasters is the disruption or even the loss of socialsupport relationships. Hence, this paper analyses the social support relationships in theframework of community resilience based on face-to-face interviews with direct (180 people)and indirect (180 people) victims of the red sludge disaster, using data for 2013 and 2020.(Hungary, Devecser district).The focus was analysed according to four types of social support relationship: reciprocal,donor to recipient and incomplete/disintegrated. At the time of the disaster, we identified a highlevel of support activity and a strong reciprocal-donor type of aid model. In contrast, in 2013, wefound an incomplete/disintegrated - reciprocal model with low support activity, and in 2020, areciprocal- incomplete/disintegrated model with medium activity.Based on a detailed statistical analysis of different social support types among the redsludge disaster's victims the paper explores and presents the social support activities andtheir various patterns with respect to their roles in the resilience of communities. The differentpatterns of social supports relationships that emerged in each period examined varied widely,though – with different intensity – they were primarily influenced by the fact how people wereaffected by disaster's damages (directly and indirectly). Nevertheless, by 2020, other factors,such as residence, age, and economic activity had already an equally strong impact on differenttypes of social support relationships as the affectedness by the disaster of 2010. We found thatcommunities responded to the red sludge disaster in 2010 and to the Covid-19 epidemic in 2020in a reactive way by activating their social support relationship.