Suchergebnisse

Tema ovoga rada je djelovanje Srpske demokratske stranke u razdoblju od konstituiranja prvog višestranačkog Sabora pa sve do početka srpske pobune u kolovozu 1990. Također, u radu se razmatra osnivanje stranačkih odbora i neuspješan pokušaj širenja u drugim republikama SFRJ te uloga vodstva i članova stranke u početku srpske pobune u Hrvatskoj. Rad je nastao na temelju dostupnih arhivskih dokumenata, svjedočenja i medijskih istupa stranačkih vođa. ; The topic of this paper is the activity of Serbian Democratic Party in Croatia from the establishment of the first multi-party Parliament to the outburst of Serbian rebellion in August 1990. The paper further tackles the establishment of party committees in other Yugoslav republics, as well as the role of leadership and party members at the beginning of Serbian rebellion. The work is based on available archive documents, testimonies and media outlets of party leaders. The secondary and tertiary sources have also been consulted, such as Croatian, Serbian, and Bosnian and Herzegovinian media, as well as available monographs about circumstances current at that time. In the analyzed period, the party leader Jovan Rašković, who was present at most founding meetings in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Vojvodina and Serbia, played a crucial role in the establishment of new Serbian Democratic Party committees. However, his dream of becoming party leader among Serbs at Yugoslav level completely failed. In this period, Serbian Democratic Party started institutionally taking over authority in several Croatian municipalities, as this was an essential precondition for deciding on joining the newly established Community. Serbian Democratic Party policy was geared towards the creation of illegitimate and parallel institutions, which tried to match their decisions with Croatian Parliament's legitimate decisions. It was furthermore in line with the destabilization of Croatia's internal affairs, since Serbian Democratic Party correctly assessed that this line would be the first line of defence of Croatia's constitutional order and sovereignty. Additionally, there was turmoil within the party leadership. Jovan Rašković survived the first attempt, initiated by some party leaders, to shift from the presidency. However, Milan Babić overtook, supported by Serbian state politics, the leadership initiative. Within the same party, a differentiation was present between the supporters of Communist and of Chetnik ideologies. Nevertheless, this process did not question their negative attitude toward the new political circumstances in Croatia. Serbian Democratic Party itself was undoubtedly the initiator and organizer of the rebellion of the Croatian Serbs, while the role of low-rank party members was carrying out armed action in the field. All this was evidently done with the political support of Serbia and Yugoslav National Army. Additionally, Serbian Democratic Party stepped out of the regulal political activity by destroying Croatian constitutional order, thus becoming a terrorist organization and the core of personnel in the upcoming Serbian aggression on Croatia.

U radu je prikazana politika Hrvatske demokratske zajednice u Bosni i Hercegovini od 8. listopada 1991., kada je Sabor Republike Hrvatske reaktivirao svoju odluku o neovisnosti Hrvatske, pa sve do 6. travnja 1992., kada je međunarodna zajednica priznala Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Rad je napisan na temelju stranačkih dokumenata, svjedočenja i medijskih istupa stranačkih vođa. ; The paper describes the policy of the Croatian Democratic Union in Bosnia and Herzegovina from October the 8th 1991 when the Croatian Parliament reactivated their decision on the Croatian independence, until April the 6th 1992 when the international community recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is written on the basis of the party documents, testimonies and media appearances by the party leaders. The Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina was the party which had won the absolute political support of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the first democratic elections, and then together with coalition partners–Party of Democratic Action and Serbian Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina they established a joint government on all levels. Consequently, without the reconstruction of their activities in the period which is the theme of this paper, it is not possible to understand the sequence of historical events that had led to the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper therefore attempts to clarify the attitude of the party towards many important political issues of that time, such as the question of the aggression of Serbia, Montenegro and the Yugoslav National Army on Croatia, the collapse of communist Yugoslavia, the cooperation with coalition partners who had different opinions on the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the relation to the party headquarters in Zagreb, but also the reasons of the conflict between the two fractions within the party, which had developed over time due to the different views on the political future of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In collective human memory, there have always been years that are remembered for the major political and social changes that took place during them. Thus, 1918 and 1945 were the years when the two world wars ended, and their outcomes shaped the political architecture of the world for many years. We can consider 1989 another such historical year, because it marked the collapse of a decades-long bipolar political world order. In 1989, the democratisation process began in communist Croatia, during which Franjo Tuđman became the key personality of the newly established non-Communist opposition. Tuđman's political ascent can today be reconstructed very easily with the help of the available documents from the former State Security Service of the Republican Secretariat of the Interior of the Socialist Republic of Croatia and the relevant literature. The main chronological divide in this paper is 17 June 1989, when the Croatian Democratic Union was established in a non-public space, and Franjo Tuđman was elected its first president.

In collective human memory, there have always been years that are remembered for the major political and social changes that took place during them. Thus, 1918 and 1945 were the years when the two world wars ended, and their outcomes shaped the political architecture of the world for many years. We can consider 1989 another such historical year, because it marked the collapse of a decades-long bipolar political world order. In 1989, the democratisation process began in communist Croatia, during which Franjo Tuđman became the key personality of the newly established non-Communist opposition. Tuđman's political ascent can today be reconstructed very easily with the help of the available documents from the former State Security Service of the Republican Secretariat of the Interior of the Socialist Republic of Croatia and the relevant literature. The main chronological divide in this paper is 17 June 1989, when the Croatian Democratic Union was established in a non-public space, and Franjo Tuđman was elected its first president. ; In collective human memory, there have always been years that are remembered for the major political and social changes that took place during them. Thus, 1918 and 1945 were the years when the two world wars ended, and their outcomes shaped the political architecture of the world for many years. We can consider 1989 another such historical year, because it marked the collapse of a decades-long bipolar political world order. In 1989, the democratisation process began in communist Croatia, during which Franjo Tuđman became the key personality of the newly established non-Communist opposition. Tuđman's political ascent can today be reconstructed very easily with the help of the available documents from the former State Security Service of the Republican Secretariat of the Interior of the Socialist Republic of Croatia and the relevant literature. The main chronological divide in this paper is 17 June 1989, when the Croatian Democratic Union was established in a non-public space, and Franjo Tuđman was elected its first president.

Autori analiziraju kako se u vodećim društveno-humanističkim znanstvenim
časopisima u Hrvatskoj obrađivala tematika Domovinskoga rata. Kronološki je rad podijeljen na dva razdoblja: od 1991. do 1999. te od 2000. do 2018. godine. Rad ne sadržava bibliografiju znanstvenih i stručnih radova na temu Domovinskoga rata, nego samo one najvažnije koji
su, prema mišljenju autora, pridonijeli boljem razumijevanju Domovinskoga rata.

Franjo Tuđman (1922-1999), who participated in the anti-fascist partisan movement from the beginning of the Second World War in Yugoslavia, in his military career, reached the rank of general. However, in 1961 he abandoned the military service, dedicated himself to historiography and became the first director of the newly established Institute of History of the Labor Movement. For his views and papers in which he reflected on some historical events, he came into conflict with the communist authorities who accused him being "non-Marxist" and nationalist. In 1967 he was expelled from the League of Communists and forced to retire. However, he did not stand still thus began his career as dissident – he was publishing papers on the history of Yugoslavia and Croatian status in the Federation. During the period of Croatian national movement, known as the Croatian Spring, he expressed his views on the Croatian national question in Yugoslavia even more clearly. This led to his arrest, political trial and his conviction to two years in prison in 1972. In 1981 he was sentenced to three years in prison and a ban on every public activity in the period of five years because he gave some interviews to the Western media. Based on so far published court records of the County Court in Zagreb where Tuđman was convicted both times, Tuđman's memoirs and various literature, this article will reconstruct Tuđman's trials and explain their primary role - to silence any dissident activity and to eliminate alternative view on the history and the national issues within Yugoslavia. The documents from the trials show the pattern of mounted political processes in which the verdict was set in advance. But this case will also show that these political processes had counterfeits significant for the collapse of communism in Croatia.