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This article discusses the issue of hegemony in relation to the 1995 election in Ontario, Canada's most populous and industrialized province, of a conservative government whose New Right policy platform combined a neoliberal emphasis on reducing the size and role of government with a neoconservative focus on taking a harder line toward deviant and socially disadvantaged groups, such as juvenile offenders and welfare recipients. The Conservative election strategy was redolent of the "authoritarian populism" characteristic of the New Right elsewhere, especially Thatcherism in the United Kingdom. Since the election, however, the limitations and contradictions of this strategy have become more evident, particularly vis-à-vis the role of the media. Despite being integrated into the structure of corporate capital, the media have given access to voices of opposition, especially outside the parliamentary process. Hegemony not only is secured by articulating a particular perspective to common sense, but by doing so in a way that fuses knowledge and understanding with lived experience in a way that is emotionally and normatively resonant—what Gramsci called "feeling-passion." In this respect, the division of discursive labor that the news media impose on their sources can have an inversion effect on the flow of power. The objects of real world actions, those adversely affected by New Right policies, become the subjects of discursive representation in their role as victims. The narrative emphasis of news on conflict, disruption, and harm gives moral and emotional power to victims whose voices become the principal expression of feeling-passion. In this way, the struggle over hegemony becomes a struggle over the identity and plight of worthy victims.

Compares how the press, perceived as being pro-business, covered two cases of proposed legislation to ban use of strike-breakers, Quebec's Bill 45 of 1977 and Ontario's Bill 40 of 1992; Canada.

This article discusses service journalism — the way the news media provide their audiences with information, advice and help about the problems of everyday life — in light of the theory of the public sphere and the growth of subpolitics fostered by reflexive modernization. Service journalism addresses two main types of everyday problem — grievances and risks — but it tends to subsume the former under the latter due to the effects of promotionalism as an increasingly dominant logic shaping the popularization of media formats and content. Apropos the public sphere debate, we argue that service journalism addresses a hybrid social subject — part citizen, part consumer and part client. Moreover, despite the fact that service journalism tends to individualize problems, it is amenable to politicization inasmuch as it shares common ground — the problems of everyday life — with the social movements and advocacy/activism groups that are the collective, motive force of subpolitics. Subpolitics politicizes the problems of everyday life in the way that it tends to subsume risk under grievance and break with the exclusionary, binary logic of mediational politics. This allows plural identities, individualistic and collectivistic, to coexist in an ambivalent and fluid way.

Der Beitrag befasst sich mit dem Phänomen des Dienstleistungsjournalismus im Lichte der Öffentlichkeitstheorie und des Entstehens von Subpolitiken auf dem Nährboden einer reflexiven Modernisierung. Unter Dienstleistungsjournalismus wird die Art und Weise verstanden, mit der die Medien ihr Publikum mit Rat und Hilfe zu den Problemen des Alltagslebens versorgen. Dienstleistungsjournalismus wendet sich hauptsächlich zwei Arten von Problemen des Alltags zu: Mißständen und Risiken, wobei er dazu neigt, erstere unter letztere zu subsummieren. Dies hat damit zu tun, daß die Techniken von Werbung und Öffentlichkeitsarbeit zunehmend populäre Medienformate und inhalte dominieren. In bezug auf die theoretische Diskussion zum Thema Öffentlichkeit argumentiert der Beitrag dahingehend, daß sich Dienstleistungsjournalismus an eine Art gesellschaftliches Zwitterwesen wendet: der Rezipient ist sowohl Bürger als auch Verbraucher und Klient. Hinzu kommt, daß Dienstleistungsjournalismus, obwohl er dazu neigt, Probleme zu individualisieren, auch eine Rolle im Prozess einer allgemeinen Politisierung spielt, insofern die Probleme des Alltags auch das Thema sozialer Bewegungen und von Aktivistengruppen sind, die als bewegende Kräfte hinter der den sog. Subpolitiken stehen. Subpolitiken politisieren die Alltagsprobleme indem sie dahin tendieren, Risiken unter Mißstände zu subsummieren und mit der auschließenden binären Logik medienvermittelter Politik zu brechen. Dies führt dazu, daß individualistische und kollektivistische Identitäten auf ambivalente Weise und ständig in Bewegung miteinander koexistieren können. (UNübers.)

Cet essai propose une analyse structurelle des elections britanniques de 1983 dans les téléjournaux anglophones de Radio‐Canada. Nous voulons circonscrire la relation entre les éléments présents et exclus du discours. Ceci, de trois façons: par l'interprétation de sondages d'opinion, par la representation des partis politiques, et par le traitement de la chose économique dans la compagne électorale. Le discours opère idéologiquement de façon à recréer le consensus autour du leader conservateur, Margaret Thatcher, et ignore comment l'émergence d'un troisième parti important incarnè la fragmentation du spectre politique. C'est ainsi que la perspective du consensus perd sa légitimité.This paper provides a structural analysis of English‐language CBC television coverage of the 1983 British election. It focuses on the relationship between the significant presences and absences in the discourse in three ways: the interpretation of the opinion polls, the representation of the political parties, and the assessment of the economic issues in the campaign. It argues that the discourse functioned ideologically to re‐consensualise the political situation around the Conservatives and their leader, Margaret Thatcher. In this respect, it overlooked the ways in which the emergence of a major third party pointed to the fragmentation of the political spectrum, and thereby put into question the legitimacy of such a consensual perspective.