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In: Socialforskningsinstituttets Publikationer 20
Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- 1 Introduction: 'Self-Determination' and Ideas of Freedom -- The Liberal-Conservative Idea -- The Radical Idea -- Capturing 'Self-Determination' -- Moments of Self-Determination -- One Hundred Years of 'Self-Determination' and Ideas of Freedom -- 2 Lenin, 'Self-Determination' and the Radical Idea of Freedom -- Lenin and the Socialist Debate on the National Question -- Lenin's Opponents: The 'Autonomists' -- Lenin's Opponents: The 'Rejectionists' -- Conditioning Self-Determination -- Freedom as Equality -- Lenin's Discourse and the First World War -- 3 Woodrow Wilson, 'Self-Determination' and the Liberal-Conservative Idea of Freedom -- Context and Criticism -- The Fourteen Points -- Freedom as Peace and Non-Interference -- Wilson's 'Self-Determination' and Popular Sovereignty -- Wilson's Internationalisation -- Regrets and Tensions -- Wilson's Self-Determination in Practice -- 'Self-Determination' Recast -- 4 'Self-Determination' Enters International Law -- Post-First World War Self-Determination: Radical Calls, Liberal-Conservative Responses -- Albania -- The Aaland Islands -- The United Nations Charter -- 5 Defining 'Self-Determination', Disagreeing on Freedom -- Common Ground -- Against 'Self-Determination' -- Western Dilemmas, Maturity and Self-Determination -- Self-Determination and Radical Freedom -- A Definition of 'Self-Determination'? -- 6 In Court: 'Self-Determination' and Freedom in the ICJ Case on Kosovo -- Historical and Legal Background -- The Emergence of the ICJ Case -- Debating 'Self-Determination' at the ICJ -- 'Internal Self-Determination' -- Sui Generis and 'Remedial Self-Determination' -- Independence and International Statebuilding -- The Final Word -- 7 Conclusions: The Fight over Freedom at Moments of Self-Determination -- Ideas in Contention -- Agents in Contention.
In: Behavioral sciences of terrorism & political aggression, Band 13, Heft 1, S. 43-61
ISSN: 1943-4480
In: Behavioral sciences of terrorism & political aggression, Band 12, Heft 1, S. 37-54
ISSN: 1943-4480
This working paper takes a critical look at the written coverage of issues of jihadi radicalization and foreign fighters from Kosovo, identifying key themes, assumptions, and areas where the press seems to have missed certain points. The paper is based on an extensive survey of written English-language media coverage retrieved online, secondary NGO/grey and academic literature, as well as some 50 original interviews with experts, frontline practitioners, policymakers and donors conducted in Prishtina, Brussels, or via Skype. While not attempting to provide a full picture, the paper identifies points on which the international media coverage seems to have got matters wrong, and areas where the evidence calls for greater nuancing. These include the number of foreign fighters, the reasons for radicalization and why people have travelled to Syria, as well as the government's response. ; publishedVersion
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In: Journal of intervention and statebuilding, Band 7, Heft 3, S. 287-307
ISSN: 1750-2977
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of intervention and statebuilding, Band 7, Heft 3, S. 287-307
ISSN: 1750-2985
In: Journal of contemporary history, Band 47, Heft 3, S. 685-687
ISSN: 1461-7250
In: The British journal of politics & international relations: BJPIR, Band 22, Heft 2, S. 309-327
ISSN: 1467-856X
This article juxtaposes anti-radicalisation policy in the United Kingdom, one of the pioneers in the field, with Greece, one of the latecomers. Drawing on localisation theory, our aim is to understand how 'common knowledge' of radicalisation and counter-radicalisation has materialised in the United Kingdom and Greece by exploring the development and use of radicalisation-related risk and vulnerability assessment tools. We argue that the radicalisation 'knowledge' was localised more seamlessly in the United Kingdom, which can be attributed to the country's 'norm producer' status on the field of European counter-radicalisation. By contrast, the 'knowledge' was subjected to significant 're-framing' and 'stretching' to fit with the Greek context. This is associated with the country's 'norm adopter' status on the field of European counter-radicalisation, as well as with a 'spill-over effect' from a national context of deeply polarising and contentious counter-terrorism policies. We maintain that these localisation processes reveal two distinct assemblages of governing radicalisation.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 79, Heft 3, S. 261-272
ISSN: 1891-1757
I dette fokusnummeret ser vi tilbake på utviklingen på noen utvalgte områder innenfor internasjonal politikk (temaet) og Internasjonal Politikk (faget) i løpet av de 20 årene som har gått siden 11. september, 2001. Dette innledningsessayet presenterer de fire bidragene som belyser hvert sitt konkrete tema: bruken av narrativer i internasjonal politikk, faget Internasjonal Politikk, forholdet mellom USA og Russland, og folkeretten. Essayet tar et skritt tilbake og ser på helheten i arven fra 11. september og krigen mot terror som fulgte, med fokus på internasjonal politikk og internasjonal sikkerhet. I tillegg gir essayet et overblikk over de målbare kostnadene knyttet til krigen mot terror, status for krigen i dag, og status for fienden man har kjempet mot de siste 20 årene. Angrepene og responsen på dem gikk naturlig nok også på bekostning av noe, og visket ut andre, alternative handlingsforløp. Dette essayet beskriver noen av disse tapte mulighetene, og belyser også utfordring med å gjøre opp et «regnskap» 20 år etter 11. september-angrepene.
Abstract in English:International Politics and the Legacy of 9/11This special issue looks back at the developments within international relations since the terrorist attacks on 9/11, 2001, with a particular focus on four specific themes: the use of strategic narratives in international relations, International Relations as academic discipline, US-Russian relations, and international law. This introductory essay present the four contributions to the issue, while also zooming out to present a panoramic view of the many legacies of the 9/11 attacks and the subsequent War on Terror that were to make an imprint on both international relations and international security in general. The essay presents the measurable costs associated with the War on Terror, its current status, as well as that for the enemy against which the two-decades long campaign has been fought. The 9/11 attacks and the forceful response resulted in other potential opportunities being passed up or neglected, making it difficult to chart the actual cost of the war. Finally, the essay examines the difficulty in arriving at an agreed-upon metric for assessing whether the war has been a success.