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1. Introduction -- 2. Methodology -- 3. Theoretical Framework -- 4. Imagining the Bosnian Serb Ethnic Identity: A Historical Overview -- 5. Discourse Analysis of Securitisation Acts of the Political Elite in Republika Srpska -- 6. Perceptions of the Voters in Republika Srpska on the Internat and External Other -- 7. Conclusions.

AbstractIn this article, we analyze how the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA), which signalizes the overall (positive) progress and development of the potential candidate country of the post-Yugoslav space, is not straightforwardly translated as a benchmark for progress and development by the political elite. Drawing on securitization theory in order to understand the grammar of security, the wider discursive context, and the position of power and authority in RS during the analyzed period – and informed by the triangulation of content and discourse analysis – we show how the negotiations for the SAA were (mis)used in order to present both the "internal and external Other" as an existential threat for Republika Srpska. Our analysis shows that although the securitizing acts of the political elite from RS did not succeed in terms of the final outcome as the SAA was signed, certain security narratives, which are present in the contemporary sociopolitical landscape in BiH, have been constructed during this period and embedded into the wider discursive context and consolidated the position of power and authority of Milorad Dodik's SNSD.

Contrary to the common understanding that collective memory functions as a driver for fostering domestic peace, stability, a common national identity, and serves as a cornerstone for the realisation of specific national goals, our aim is to show how collective memory is understood as a constitutive element of foreign policy narratives and how memory can influence foreign policy choices (Anderson, 1983; Gillis, 199 4; Hobsbawm and Ranger, 1983; Bodnar, 1992; Schudson, 1993; Dian, 2017). Building on the work of Müller (2002), Bell (2010), Langenbacher and Shain (2010), Resende and Budryte (2014), Dian (2017) and Bachleitner (2018), we will argue that Serbia's foreign policy choice in 2013 to sign the agreement with Kosovo is best understood with the help of an interpretative approach to foreign policy, as this issue de facto reflected the continuation of the role of sacrifice within Serbian collective memory. A narrative of victimisation was used to efficiently bridge the 'guilt' and tie it to the notion of great powers' intervention. This article also examines the paradox of Serbia's endeavours to hold on to Kosovo by looking into how the struggle over the nation's past provides the fundamental ideational background for contemporary foreign policy choices.

Contrary to the common understanding that collective memory functions as a driver for fostering domestic peace, stability, a common national identity, and serves as a cornerstone for the realisation of specific national goals, our aim is to show how collective memory is understood as a constitutive element of foreign policy narratives and how memory can influence foreign policy choices (Anderson, 1983; Gillis, 199 4; Hobsbawm and Ranger, 1983; Bodnar, 1992; Schudson, 1993; Dian, 2017). Building on the work of Müller (2002), Bell (2010), Langenbacher and Shain (2010), Resende and Budryte (2014), Dian (2017) and Bachleitner (2018), we will argue that Serbia's foreign policy choice in 2013 to sign the agreement with Kosovo is best understood with the help of an interpretative approach to foreign policy, as this issue de facto reflected the continuation of the role of sacrifice within Serbian collective memory. A narrative of victimisation was used to efficiently bridge the 'guilt' and tie it to the notion of great powers' intervention. This article also examines the paradox of Serbia's endeavours to hold on to Kosovo by looking into how the struggle over the nation's past provides the fundamental ideational background for contemporary foreign policy choices.

Nasprotno prevladujoči obravnavi Turčije kot najstarejše kandidatke za članstvo v Evropski uniji (EU) in turški zunanjepolitični strategiji do Zahodnega Balkana, ki predvideva delovanje kot partnerica EU, to delo analizira Turčijo kot neodvisnega zunanjepolitičnega akterja. Na podlagi dveh raziskovalnih vprašanj o normativnih elementih turške zunanjepolitične strategije preverjam hipotezo, da zaradi t. i. plitke evropeizacije na Zahodnem Balkanu po letu 2009 prihaja do večanja turškega normativnega vpliva v tej regiji. Kot kontrolno spremenljivko obravnavam deklaratorni odmik EU od širitve na Zahodni Balkan leta 2014. V teoretskem delu naloge konceptualiziram normativni zunanjepolitični vpliv in izdelam lasten analitični model normativnih elementov zunanjepolitične strategije. Po opisu zgodovinskega konteksta zunanjepolitičnega delovanja EU in Turčije na Zahodnem Balkanu v empiričnem delu sledi največji doprinos naloge k znanosti: analiza in interpretacija primarnega dokumenta – zunanjepolitične strategije Turčije (Disisleri Bakanligi, 2018), za katero sem zagotovil prvi prevod v angleščino. Nato še identificiram in analiziram zunanjepolitične akcije Turčije, pri katerih merim normativni vpliv na družbe, trge in države regije in ga kritično ovrednotim. Ugotavljam, da ni mogoče sklepati na večji normativni vpliv Turčije v regiji zaradi plitke evropeizacije. Normativni vpliv Turčije na države je bil namreč največji med leti 2009–2012, ko je z mediacijo v srbskem delu Sandžaka in vzpostavitvijo tripartitne platforme dosegla željen ugled velike sile iz otomanskih časov. Vendar pa po letu 2013 ta vpliv upade, saj nekatere države regije izražajo večja nasprotovanja turškim zunanjepolitičnim vrednotam ali uporabljenim sredstvom. Normativni vpliv na trge in na družbe regije je sicer konstanten ; prek agencije TIKA, inštituta Yunus Emre, verske institucije Diyanet in TV nadaljevank Turčija promovira svoje družbene vrednote: muslimanska vera, diaspora, patriarhalnost in ugled velike sile. ; Contrary to the dominant consideration of Turkey as the oldest candidate for membership in the European Union (EU) and Turkey's foreign policy strategy towards the Western Balkans, which envisions acting as the EU's partner, this work analyzes Turkey as an independent foreign-policy actor. On the basis of two research questions on the normative elements of the Turkish foreign policy strategy, I am testing a hypothesis that after 2009, due to the shallow Europeanization in the Western Balkans, one observes an increase of the Turkish normative influence in this region. As a control variable, I consider the declaratory withdrawal of the EU from Western Balkans enlargement efforts in 2014. In the theoretical part of the thesis, I conceptualize the normative foreign policy influence and construct my own analytical model of the normative elements of the foreign policy strategy. Following the description of the historical context of the EU and Turkey's foreing policy in the Western Balkans, the empirical part is followed by the biggest contribution of this thesis to science: analysis and interpretation of the primary document - Turkey's foreign policy strategy (Disisleri Bakanligi, 2018), for which I provided the first translation into English. I then identify and analyze Turkey's foreign policy actions, where I measure the normative influence on societies, markets and countries of the region, and offer its critical evaluation. Findings show that it is not possible to ascertain that shallow Europeanization causes greater normative influence of Turkey in the region. Turkey's normative influence on the countries was the largest between 2009-2012, when, through mediation in the Serbian part of Sandžak and the establishment of a tripartite platform, when the state achieved the desired reputation of a great power from Ottoman times. However, after 2013, this impact declined, as some countries in the region are more likely to oppose Turkey's foreign policy values or application of instruments. The normative impact on the markets and on the societies of the region is constant ; through TIKA Agency, Yunus Emre Institute, religious institution Diyanet and TV series Turkey promotes its social values: Muslim faith, diaspora, patriarchate and reputation of great power.

The focus of this article is on the rise of populism and Euroscepticism in the context of the crisis of
liberal internationalism and of the EU in particular.
The article considers the view that the weak integration
of Slovenian–EU politics makes the country vulnerable
to this trend. Modern-nationalist, postmodern-cosmopolitan and faux-modern-partially modernised variations of populism are explored. The research draws on
public opinion surveys, party manifestos, focus groups
with party supporters, and interviews with mediators
in elite and popular debates. The dominant modern
economist/functionalist view of the EU is shown to have
fed into different framings in line with the underlying
thick ideologies. On the right, this has been a retro-modern nationalist reaction to the EU's overly progressive
policy and polity, with certain illiberal faux-modern elements like authoritarianism and ethno cultural exclusivism. On the left, it has reinforced the already existing contradictions with (neo)liberalism on the level of
politics, leaving the post-modern post-nationalist framing detached from the EU's polity and policy. The article
offers some proposals for better integrating the EU politics in Slovenia.
Keywords: EU, Euroscepticism, populism, illiberalism,
Slovenia, public opinion, political parties

"This book investigates Euroscepticism from below, from both the Right and the Left, from political parties and social movements in five countries in Europe: two candidate-countries for accession to the EU - North Macedonia and Bosnia Herzegovina, and three member states: Italy, Poland and Slovenia. With a mixed methods approach, it combines interviews, focus groups and content analyses of (online and offline) organizational documents and manifestos in each of the countries, to analyse and unpack a variety of narratives on Europe and the European integration process, at both party and social movement levels. Offering a comparison of the narratives surrounding Europe and the conceptualisation of Euroscepticism, including the identification of several paths of opposition this volume will appeal to scholars of sociology and politics with interests in the European Union, political and social movements and framing theory"--

European Narratives and Euroscepticism : an introduction -- Our cases : setting the context, Political and cultural opportunities for Eurosceptic narratives -- Poor EU contestation, external shocks and the rise of illiberalism in the Slovenian post-transition context -- If you scratch the surface : Euroscepticism in Poland -- From strong support to harsh opposition to the EU : the case of Italy -- To join or not to join? The case of North Macedonia -- Anticipating the (European) future while revisiting the (troubled) past : the case of Bosnia Herzegovina -- Conclusion : varieties of Euroscepticism.

"This book investigates Euroscepticism from below, from both the Right and the Left, from political parties and social movements in five countries in Europe: two candidate-countries for accession to the EU - North Macedonia and Bosnia Herzegovina, and three member states: Italy, Poland and Slovenia. With a mixed methods approach, it combines interviews, focus groups and content analyses of (online and offline) organizational documents and manifestos in each of the countries, to analyse and unpack a variety of narratives on Europe and the European integration process, at both party and social movement levels. Offering a comparison of the narratives surrounding Europe and the conceptualisation of Euroscepticism, including the identification of several paths of opposition this volume will appeal to scholars of sociology and politics with interests in the European Union, political and social movements and framing theory"--