Economic Sanction as Foreign Policy
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Economic Sanction as Foreign Policy" published on by Oxford University Press.
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In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Economic Sanction as Foreign Policy" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Kyklos: international review for social sciences, Band 75, Heft 1, S. 30-47
ISSN: 1467-6435
AbstractEnding global poverty has been at the forefront of the development agenda since the 1970s, but many donors have failed to target their funds toward this goal. Activists have tackled this issue by appealing to donors' humanitarian motives, but we know little about what explains donors' decisions on how much to give to the poorest countries. This paper develops the donor motivation and foreign policy approaches and identify donors' development motives and their budget sizes as potential determinants of poverty selectivity. We evaluate their explanatory power by assessing whether their relationships with selectivity are in the hypothesized directions and generalize beyond a particular dataset. Employing cross‐validation and Bayesian Model Averaging, we find few measures of donor motivations provide a generalizable and hypothesized explanation for poverty selectivity. In contrast, donor budget sizes exhibit a relationship that is both hypothesized and externally valid. Our study offers the first systematic analysis of aid selectivity and generates implications for recent approaches to improve the quality of foreign aid and the conventional approach to study foreign aid allocation and donor motives.
In: Regional & federal studies, Band 28, Heft 4, S. 523-541
ISSN: 1743-9434
In: British journal of political science, Band 50, Heft 1, S. 103-127
ISSN: 1469-2112
Recent theories of foreign aid assume that moral motives drive voters' preferences about foreign aid. However, little is known about how moral concerns interact with the widely accepted instrumental goals that aid serves. Moreover, what effects does this interplay have on preferences over policy actions? This article assesses these questions using a survey experiment in which respondents evaluate foreign aid policies toward nasty recipient regimes (those that violate human rights, rig elections, crack down on media, etc.). The results indicate that the publicdoeshave a strong aversion to providing aid to nasty recipient regimes, but that it also appreciates the instrumental benefits that aid helps acquire. Contrary to a mainstay assertion in the literature, the study finds that moral aversion can largely be reversed if the donor government engages more with the nasty country. These findings call into question the micro-foundations of recent theories of foreign aid, and produce several implications for the aid literature.
In: Social science & medicine, Band 347, S. 116766
ISSN: 1873-5347
In: Terrorism and political violence, S. 1-19
ISSN: 1556-1836
In: World development: the multi-disciplinary international journal devoted to the study and promotion of world development, Band 138, S. 1-11
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In: World Development, Forthcoming
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Working paper
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, Band 62, Heft 1, S. 195-207
ISSN: 1468-2478
In: World development: the multi-disciplinary international journal devoted to the study and promotion of world development, Band 77, S. 66-79
In: European journal of international relations, Band 27, Heft 4, S. 1042-1066
ISSN: 1460-3713
Pundits, development practitioners, and scholars worry that rising populism and international disengagement in developed countries have negative consequences on foreign aid. However, how populism and foreign aid go together is not well understood. This paper provides the first systematic examination of this relationship. We adopt the popular ideational definition of populism, unpack populism into its core "thin" elements, and examine them within a delegation model of aid policy—a prominent framework in the aid literature. In so doing, we identify specific domestic political processes through which the core components of populism may affect aid spending. We argue that increases in one component of populism—anti-elitism—and in nativist sentiments, an associated concept, in a donor country lead to a reduction in aid spending through a public opinion channel. We supply both micro- and macro-evidence for our arguments by fielding surveys in the United States and United Kingdom as well as by analyzing aid spending by a large number of OECD donors. Our findings show that nativism and anti-elitism, rather than populism per se, influence not only individual attitudes toward aid but also actual aid policy and generate important insights into how to address populist challenges to foreign aid. Beyond these, our study contributes to the broader International Relations literature by demonstrating one useful analytical approach to studying populism, nativism, and foreign policy.
World Affairs Online
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, Band 61, Heft 1, S. 98-106
ISSN: 0020-8833, 1079-1760
World Affairs Online
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, S. sqw019
ISSN: 1468-2478
In: Conflict management and peace science: the official journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 31, Heft 5, S. 541-558
ISSN: 1549-9219
Recent research on economic sanctions has produced significant advances in our theoretical and empirical understanding of the causes and effects of these phenomena. Our theoretical understanding, which has been guided by empirical findings, has reached the point where existing datasets are no longer adequate to test important hypotheses. This article presents a recently updated version of the Threat and Imposition of Economic Sanctions dataset. This version of the data extends the temporal domain, corrects errors, updates cases that were ongoing as of the last release, and includes a few additional variables. We describe the dataset, paying special attention to the key differences in the new version, and we present descriptive statistics for some of the key variables, highlighting differences across versions. Since the major change in the dataset was to more than double the time period covered, we also present some simple statistics showing trends in sanctions use over time.
In: Conflict management and peace science: CMPS ; journal of the Peace Science Society ; papers contributing to the scientific study of conflict and conflict analysis, Band 31, Heft 5, S. 541-558
ISSN: 0738-8942
World Affairs Online