Suchergebnisse

Received September 7, 2012; Accepted April 18, 2013; Published May 28, 2013 ; Zimbabwean villagers of distinct background have resettled in government-organized land reforms for more than three decades. Against this backdrop, I assess the level of social cohesion in some of the newly established communities by estimating the average preferences for fairness in a structural model of bounded rationality. The estimations are based on behavioral data from an ultimatum game field experiment played by 234 randomly selected households in 6 traditional and 14 resettled villages almost two decades after resettlement. Equal or higher degrees of fairness are estimated in all resettlement schemes. In one, or arguably two, out of three distinct resettlement schemes studied, the resettled villagers exhibit significantly higher degrees of fairness (pƒ0:11 ) and rationality (pƒ0:04 ) than those who live in traditional villages. Overall, villagers appear similarly rational, but the attitude toward fairness is significantly stronger in resettled communities (pƒ0:01 ). These findings are consistent with the idea of an increased need for cooperation required in recommencement. ; Contains revised content based on author's EUI PhD thesis, 2007

Background: Germany's 16 states regulate smoking differently within health protection principles laid down in the federal law. All state smoke-free laws in Germany have undergone at least one change since taking effect. Methods: We systematically review federal and state laws regulating smoking, as well as petitions, popular initiatives and referenda that aimed at changing statutory smoking bans. Data generated through the systematic review were correlated with state smoking rates. Results: The protection from the dangers of secondhand smoke is the primary motive for smoking bans in Germany. The first smoke-free laws affecting smoking in pubs, restaurants and several other public places were introduced in 2007. In 2008, the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany ruled in a leading decision on the smoke-free laws of two states that some common smoking ban exemptions of the introduced smoke-free laws violate the basic right to freely exercise a profession and mandated revisions. All states but Bavaria and Saarland, whose smoking bans were more and less comprehensive than those judged by the constitutional court, respectively, needed to change the smoking ban exemptions to reconcile their smoke-free laws with the constitution. Direct democracy initiatives to change smoking bans were only successful in Bavaria in 2010, but a total of 15 initiatives by citizens' or interest groups attempted to influence non-smokers protection legislation through direct democratic procedures. Early ratification of a smoking ban in a federal state correlates with a higher reduction in the smoking rate from 2005 to 2009 (Spearman's ρ = 0.51, p = 0.04). Conclusions: The federal government structure and direct democratic participation in smoke-free legislation in Germany has produced a diversity of local smoking bans and exemptions.

Background: Germany's 16 states regulate smoking differently within health protection principles laid down in the federal law. All state smoke-free laws in Germany have undergone at least one change since taking effect. Methods: We systematically review federal and state laws regulating smoking, as well as petitions, popular initiatives and referenda that aimed at changing statutory smoking bans. Data generated through the systematic review were correlated with state smoking rates. Results: The protection from the dangers of secondhand smoke is the primary motive for smoking bans in Germany. The first smoke-free laws affecting smoking in pubs, restaurants and several other public places were introduced in 2007. In 2008, the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany ruled in a leading decision on the smoke-free laws of two states that some common smoking ban exemptions of the introduced smoke-free laws violate the basic right to freely exercise a profession and mandated revisions. All states but Bavaria and Saarland, whose smoking bans were more and less comprehensive than those judged by the constitutional court, respectively, needed to change the smoking ban exemptions to reconcile their smoke-free laws with the constitution. Direct democracy initiatives to change smoking bans were only successful in Bavaria in 2010, but a total of 15 initiatives by citizens' or interest groups attempted to influence non-smokers protection legislation through direct democratic procedures. Early ratification of a smoking ban in a federal state correlates with a higher reduction in the smoking rate from 2005 to 2009 (Spearman's ρ = 0.51, p = 0.04). Conclusions: The federal government structure and direct democratic participation in smoke-free legislation in Germany has produced a diversity of local smoking bans and exemptions.

ABSTRACTA solution to Rubinstein (1982)'s open‐ended, alternating‐offer bargaining problem for two equally patient bargainers who exhibit similar degrees of inequality aversion is presented. Inequality‐averse bargainers may experience envy if they are worse off, and guilt if they are better off, but they still reach agreement in the first period under complete information. If the guilt felt is strong, then the inequality‐averse bargainers split a pie of size one equally regardless of their degree of envy. If the guilt experienced is weak, then the agreed split is tilted away from the Rubinstein division towards a more unequal split whenever the degree of envy is smaller than the discounted degree of guilt. Envy and weak guilt have opposite effects on the equilibrium division of the pie, and envy has a greater marginal impact than weak guilt. Equally inequality‐averse bargainers agree on the Rubinstein division if the degree of envy equals the discounted degree of guilt. As both bargainers' sensation of inequality aversion diminishes, the bargaining outcome converges to the Rubinstein division.

Ageing populations pose some of the foremost global challenges of this century. Drawing on an international pool of scholars, this cutting-edge Handbook surveys the micro, macro and institutional aspects of the economics of ageing.
Structured in seven parts, the volume addresses a broad range of themes, including health economics, labour economics, pensions and social security, generational accounting, wealth inequality and regional perspectives. Each chapter combines a succinct overview of the state of current research with a sketch of a promising future research agenda.
This Handbook will be an essential resource for advanced students, researchers and policymakers looking at the economics of ageing across the disciplines of economics, demography, public policy, public health and beyond.

HIV treatment and prevention as well as other chronic disease care can require regular kidney function assessment based on a creatinine test. To assess the costs of creatinine testing in a public health care system, we conducted activity-based costing during a HIV pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) demonstration project in the Hhohho region of Eswatini. Resource use was assessed by a laboratory technician and valued with government procurement prices, public sector salaries, and own cost estimates. Obtaining a blood sample in a clinic and performing a creatinine test in a high-throughput referral laboratory (> 660,000 blood tests, including > 120,000 creatinine tests, in 2018) were estimated to have cost, on average, $1.98 in 2018. Per test, $1.95 were variable costs ($1.38 personnel, ¢39 consumables, and ¢18 other costs) and ¢2.6 were allocated semi-fixed costs (¢1.1 laboratory equipment, ¢0.85 other, ¢0.45 consumables, and ¢1.3 personnel costs). Simulating different utilization of the laboratory indicated that semi-fixed costs of the laboratory (e.g., equipment purchase or daily calibration of the chemistry analyzer) contributed less than variable costs (e.g., per-test personnel time and test reagents) to the average creatinine test cost when certain minimum test numbers can be maintained. Our findings suggest, first, lower creatinine testing costs than previously used in cost and cost-effectiveness analyses of HIV services and, second, that investment in laboratory equipment imposed a relatively small additional cost on each performed test in the high-throughput referral laboratory.