Suchergebnisse

Purpose
This study aims to explore the potential that acting proenvironmentally protects adolescents from developing materialistic value.


Design/methodology/approach
Convenience sampling was adopted to collect data from two randomly selected secondary schools in central China. A total of 784 participants were included in the survey.


Findings
The mediation analysis revealed that adolescent proenvironmental behaviour was negatively associated with materialism. The results of the moderated mediation model showed that psychological entitlement mediates the association between adolescent proenvironmental behaviour and materialism, and that family socioeconomic status acts as a moderator in the association between proenvironmental behaviour and psychological entitlement.


Practical implications
The current results advise educational practitioners on alleviating adolescent materialism. Policy makers and schools can add more environmental practice to the curriculum and extracurricular activities. Moreover, identifying the personal benefits of proenvironmental behaviour can motivate young people to act proenvironmentally, which not only factually reduces over-consumption but also attracts more attention from young people to the environment.


Originality/value
Previous studies rarely explored the individual belief or perception accounting for the negative association between proenvironmental behaviour and materialism. Therefore, the authors adopt psychological entitlement, a belief reflecting the dark side of individual perception, to explain why proenvironmental behaviour reduces materialism.

Appearance-based inequalities are gaining increasing interest in sociology. This article is the first to systematically examine the extent to which attractiveness is linked to culturally shared ideas of representatives of different occupations. We conceptualise these cultural expectations as 'occupation-congruent appearance'. To understand the gendered dynamics between attractiveness and looking 'congruent', we analyse large-scale photograph data representing a heterogeneous group of different occupations ( n = 1411), including population-level ratings on those photographs ( n = 3456). We find that for both men and women, attractiveness is generally associated with an increase in perceived occupation-congruent appearance. However, this association is gendered, so the differences between occupational categories are greater for men than for women. Therefore, we argue that attractiveness can magnify appearance-based status differences, particularly among men. The research opens new perspectives to examine appearance and inequalities, not only from the perspective of looking attractive, but also through looking congruent.

Kryptovaluuttojen kasvava suosio on merkittävä trendi 2020-luvulla. Tälle heikosti säännellylle talouden osa-alueelle on virrannut lyhyessä ajassa huomattava määrä varallisuutta. Tässä artikkelissa eritellään Bitcoin-markkinan erityisominaisuuksia sekä kuvataan Bitcoinista nousevia luottamussuhteita. Bitcoin on syntynyt yhteiskunnallisten ja poliittisten kehityskulkujen seurauksena, ja se nojaa arvonmuodostuksessaan erityiseen Bitcoin-ideologiaan. Artikkelissa argumentoidaan, että suurin kryptovaluutta Bitcoin pohjaa luottamusnormin kyseenalaistamiselle. Bitcoin-ideologiasta nousevasta yleisestä epäluottamuksesta poliittisia instituutioita ja inhimillisiä toimijoita kohtaan on muovautunut uusi virtuaalinen luottamusnormi, jossa luottamus rakentuu suhteessa lohkoketjuteknologiaan.

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the association between political party preference and trust in knowledge-based institutions, while also considering how political trust facilitates the association. The authors focus on the opinions of supporters of the six largest parliamentary political parties in Finland.


Design/methodology/approach
The data are based on a population level survey. First, the authors compared party supporters' trust in universities and YLE media. Second, the authors analyzed how political trust contributes to party supporters' trust in knowledge-based institutions by estimating predicted probabilities. Third, the authors derived the partial correlations from the non-linear probability models incorporated separately between trust in YLE, Universities and political trust, and compared the correlations across the parties. Finally, the authors conducted the logit models from which the authors post-estimated the predicted probabilities of having high trust in YLE and Universities according to the levels of political trust separately for each party.


Findings
The results showed a cumulation of trust, reflecting especially on the attitudes of the populist party supporters who tended to have lower trust in knowledge-based institutions and distrust was highly associated with low political trust. This cumulation of trust shows an interesting dynamic in how closely institutions are linked together in terms of attitudes on their legitimacy.


Originality/value
This study assesses the cumulation of distrust, while providing an alternative political spectrum to the US two party system that has been the major focus of past research. Furthermore, the study fills a gap in the research by being the first to assess the intersection of the trust dimensions.

AbstractIn this study, we explored the longitudinal relationship of political trust and subjective political competence during the COVID-19 outbreak. We also examined how levels of political trust and political competence were associated with compliance with COVID-19 recommendations. We used three-wave panel data including 2,205 observations (N = 735) to study changes within and between individuals from 2017 to 2020. The last round of the survey was conducted at the peak of the first wave of COVID-19. The measures included political trust, subjective political competence, political interest, multiple background variables, and measures for compliance with the social distancing recommendations. We found that Finns' political trust increased significantly during the first wave of COVID-19. The between-individuals analysis suggested that political competence was negatively associated with trust. The results also indicated that citizens' compliance with COVID-19 recommendations was directly linked to political trust but depended also on the interaction between competence and trust.

PurposeThe study utilises unique survey data gathered from 12,427 party members. The dependent variable measures party members' in-party commitment and is based on willingness to donate money, to contribute effort, the feeling of belonging in the party network and social trust in the party network.Design/methodology/approachIn this article, we study how different extra-parliamentary online and offline activities are associated with in-party commitment amongst political party members from the six largest Finnish parties. We especially delve into the differences between members of the Finnish parties.FindingsWe found that extra-parliamentary political activity, including connective action through social media networks and collective action through civic organisations, is highly associated with members' in-party commitment. Additionally, members of the newer identity parties more effectively utilised social media networks, whilst the traditional interest parties were still more linked to traditional forms of extra-parliamentary political action.Originality/valueBy employing the sociological network theory perspective, the study contributes to ongoing discussions surrounding the impact of social media on political participation amongst party members, both within and beyond the confines of political parties.

AbstractClass cleavage has been an important factor in forming the West‐European party systems, and class identification can still be considered one of the key types of social identity, especially among members of older parties. Nevertheless, previous research has ignored the importance of party members' class identifications. In this study, we hypothesise that party affiliation can form a context of social identity in which party members' class identification is also strengthened. By analysing unique survey data of 12,427 members of the six largest Finnish parties, we examine the extent to which party members' class identifications stem from their party affiliations and how the relationship is reinforced by their partisan identity. The results suggest that traditional class‐cleavage elements still appear within class identification among the members of older parties. Members of left‐wing parties identified with the working class, and conversely, upper‐class identification was more prominent among members of centre‐right parties. Among members of newer political parties, the class was less relevant compared to members of traditional class‐based parties. Furthermore, we found that working‐class identification was strongly related to the strength of partisan identity.

Class cleavage has been an important factor in forming the West-European party systems, and class identification can still be considered one of the key types of social identity, especially among members of older parties. Nevertheless, previous research has ignored the importance of party members' class identifications. In this study, we hypothesise that party affiliation can form a context of social identity in which party members' class identification is also strengthened. By analysing unique survey data of 12,427 members of the six largest Finnish parties, we examine the extent to which party members' class identifications stem from their party affiliations and how the relationship is reinforced by their partisan identity. The results suggest that traditional class-cleavage elements still appear within class identification among the members of older parties. Members of left-wing parties identified with the working class, and conversely, upper-class identification was more prominent among members of centre-right parties. Among members of newer political parties, the class was less relevant compared to members of traditional class-based parties. Furthermore, we found that working-class identification was strongly related to the strength of partisan identity. ; publishedVersion ; Peer reviewed

On March 11, 2020 COVID-19 was declared a pandemic. As the virus spread, governments called on citizens to comply with handwashing and social distancing behaviors. We use survey data from Finland and the United States to examine whether collaborative dimensions help predict compliance with health protective behaviors related to combatting COVID-19. We also investigate whether these factors' influence on compliance varies between a market regime such as the United States and a more statist regime such as Finland. Our findings provide important insight for public administrators in crafting messages to the public that emphasize citizens' collaborative role in combatting a pandemic.

In this study, we examine how political party preference and politically active social media use associate with social media behaviors - namely, conformist, provocative, and protective - in the context of the current political sphere in Finland. In our empirical analysis, we use a nationally representative dataset collected from 3,724 Finnish citizens in 2018. Our research confirms the assumption that there are notable differences in the social media behaviors of the supporters of different political parties. Additionally, our research shows that politically active social media use increases the occurrence for all three aforementioned behaviors. The study's results also confirm that major differences in online behavior exist among the new identity parties' supporters, who rely heavily on post-materialist and neoconservative political values. ; Peer reviewed

Social media provides new platforms for political participation and ideological categorization. However, little research has been done on how party preference is related to politically active social media use. We begin with a consideration of how political participation on social media has evolved between various socio-economic and demographic groups in advanced information societies and especially in Finland. In our empirical analysis we examine the general use of social media as well as its use for political purposes with the aid of a nationally representative dataset, collected in 2017–2018 from 3724 Finnish citizens. We argue that there are notable differences between parties when examining their supporters' social media use for political purposes. The differences are related to the digital divides and political extremes. The results confirmed the idea that new political movements made up of younger and more educated supporters have been successful by leveraging social media. The study also revealed that the ideological gap between party supporters is greater in social media especially when examining new kinds of politics based on cultural questions, identity issues, and post-materialist values. ; Peer reviewed