Suchergebnisse

The analysis of electoral actions taken by Konfederacja [Confederation Liberty and Independence] party in 2019 leads to assumption that their core formation achieved a consistent (also regarding axiological dimension) strategic plan which included two campaigns and was aimed at arising on Polish political market (gaining parliamentary representation). Organization and consolidation of a new political formation, able (in terms of structure, resources and strategy) to create a communication strategy allowing them to effectively compete in parliamentary elections, should be regarded as considerable success.

The campaign preceding the elections to the European Parliament in 2014 in Poland was extremely dynamic and active in case of all subjects of political rivalry, regardless of their position on the political market (campaigns of Solidary Poland and Poland Together are prime examples). Even a superficial analysis allowed to point out several regularities: tendency of political subjects to adopt the standard strategy of national cross-party political rivalry, strategic focusing of media on current issues regarding national political rivalry, particularly interesting in the area of communication is adoption of advertising orientation by most of the parties (except Polish People's Party and National Movement) – wherein this advertising activity – in contrast to campaign from 2009 (and the parliamentary campaign of 2011), did not limit to the television, what is remarkable about the campaign of 2014 was the intensive use of all accessible Internet channels: own websites, special websites dedicated to the campaign and the possibilities offered by the social media (Facebook, Twitter, Youtube).

The article deals with an interesting - from the marketing perspective - form o f electoral rivalry, realised with the participation o f politicians described as the "substitute candidates" . It was taken into consideration that while discussing the issue of "substitute candidate" it is necessary to settle two key questions: which politicians and based on what criteria could be classified as such candidates and what strategic grounds convince rivalry subjects to choose such campaign option. Assuming that the notion "substitute candidate" could be analysed from at least two different points o f view: actual substitution or apparent substitution, some issues o f creating the electoral campaign and realising the campaign with the participation o f "substitute candidate" can be pointed out: from the candidate selection stage, through the stage o f creating and developing the candidate's image, to the stage of implementing project. Moreover, some conclusions from the electoral campaign preceding the presidential elections in Katowice were presented.

The referendum on the dismissal of the President of Warsaw Hanna Gronkiewicz- Waltz before the end of her term was a part of a series of political events that could affect the power arrangement on the Polish political scene, especially on the market position of the Civic Platform (Platforma Obywatelska) and the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) parties. By analysing the actions taken by the main political actors in the pre‑referendum period, two basic issues should be resolved: if political‑market entities actually carry out their long‑term political strategies and whether the adopted strategy translates into a specific and clear marketing concept of pre‑election activities in the prevalent Polish political realm. Regardless, however, of the adopted strategic option, competing political entities should take into account the obvious fact that the mass media are responsible for delimiting the area of political discourse and for defining matters which are a subject thereof.

The main determinant of the development of the contemporary political communication constitutes the attempt to impart a rational dimension to the actions of communication in compliance with Weber's understanding of the term. M. Weber claimed that rationism is a direct reflection of (a) the ability to determine such aims which are optimal and adequate to one's own resources within a given situational context, as well as the possibility to calculate the consequences of the actions undertaken (rational actions on account of the aim) and/or (b) orientation of actions around a given value system (rational actions on account of the values). In this view, a direction of the development of the contemporary conception of political communication reflects the evolutionary transformation of the relations between an axiological and instrumental-functional approach to the process of creating, planning, and executing communication strategies. Four stages in the development of the conception of communicative actions strategically ordered can be distinguished: — stage I: domination of communicative actions oriented around the political system of values preferable by the sender of the information (the stage of a traditional political propaganda; the chief aim of communicative influences — social integration/persuasion), — stage II: a relative balance of actions oriented around preferable political values and pragmatic aims (the stage of institutionalised political propaganda; the chief aim of communicative influences — persuasion/integration/political activation), — stage III: domination of pragmatic aims parallel with political values preferable by the sender of the information (the stage of early communication campaigns market-oriented; the chief aim of communicative influences — persuasion/political activation), — stage IV: correlation of pragmatic aims and instrumental values (the stage of a developed political marketing communication; the chief aim of communicative influences — political motivation, with the main emphasis on the election activation). An increasing popularity of the marketing methods of organization and conducting political campaigns should be treated as a subsequent stage of the search for the efficient formula of political communication, the stage whose main determinants are the following: — organizational transformation of traditional political subjects (political parties, electional organizations of candidates), — gradual professionalization of politics, in two perspectives: professionalization of political parties evident in the increase of the role of professional politics in making important organizational decisions, as well as the appearance of new actors on the political stage, political consultants, taking over the position of a central decisive centre in political organizations, with responsibility for preparation and implementation of the political communication strategy, — mediatisation of political communication — means of mass communication have become the main transmission channel of political information on the one hand, and, on the other hand, a kind of creator of the political reality, shaping the image of the political market, particular political subjects, or the course of political rivalry by active selection and exposure of given information according to the commercial and/or political interests of the media transmitters, — change of the system of factors determining political behaviours (electional behaviours in particular) of citizens — what becomes especially important in this context is a progressing decrease of the level of political identification leading to the increase of the number of citizens slightly engaged in the political enterprise, possessing relatively low competences of receiving and understanding transmitted political information, as well as basic problems with taking a given political decision. The complexity of the market conditions makes the subjects of political rivalry choose and develop communication marketing strategies. Such a way of organizing and realising political communicative campaigns — in accordance with the four basic criteria: efficiency, predictability, calculationism, and the use of advanced technology — may be treated as an optimal variant of a strategic adjustment of the contemporary organizations to diversified requirements of the political environment.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: Analysis of how the 2020 US presidential election was covered and framed by Polish television news programs, and whether the polarization of media and politics in Poland was reflected in the studied content, influencing its bias.
THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The analysis of the coverage of the US presidential campaign by three nationwide TV news programs – TVN, TVP and Polsat by using content analysis with elements of framing analysis and comparative analysis.
THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article consists of four parts: the first explains the methodology of the study, the second discusses how presidential elections are covered and framed and what influences the national media being interested in covering foreign events. The third part presents the results of the study, and the last contains the discussion and conclusions.
RESEARCH RESULTS: The coverage was dichotomous and there was a correlation between the political affiliation of the media and their choice of framing. The media used a combination of game, strategy and conflict framing that highlighted differences between Trump and Biden in terms of the election results and their personal attributes. We found that the electoral rivalry was portrayed as a conflict between the candidates and that the Polish media constructed "enemy" images of candidates and voters depending on their political sympathies.
CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The polarization of media and politics in Poland was reflected in the coverage of the US election. The broadcasters placed Polish political conflicts in the context of the US campaign. It shows that foreign events may be covered by national media through the prism of political bias.

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest empiryczne sprawdzenie przydatności modelu dziennikarstwa pokojowego i wojennego Galtunga w analizie relacjonowania amerykańskich wyborów prezydenckich z 2020 roku przez polskie telewizyjne programy informacyjne. Praca ma również na celu zbadanie, czy w relacjonowaniu wyborów mogą być stosowane mechanizmy podobne do tych wykorzystywanych przy relacjach wojennych. W artykule badamy, za pomocą jakiej perspektywy – dziennikarstwa pokojowego czy dziennikarstwa wojennego – były relacjonowane wybory i jakich specyficznych mechanizmów z tych modeli użyto. Dyskutujemy również, czy na perspektywę relacjonowania wydarzenia przez pryzmat dziennikarstwa wojennego lub dziennikarstwa pokojowego wpłynęła polaryzacja i polityczna przynależność polskich mediów i jak te czynniki warunkowały sposób ukazywania kandydatów na prezydenta USA. This paper aims at empirically testing the usefulness of Galtung's model of peace and war journalism in the analysis of the coverage of the 2020 US presidential election by Polish television news programs. The work also aims to investigate whether similar mechanisms can be used in the coverage of elections as in the coverage of wars. We explore through what perspective – peace or war journalism – the election was covered and what specific mechanisms of these models were used. We also discuss whether the war journalism or peace journalism coverage perspective of the event was influenced by polarization and the political affiliation of the Polish media and how these factors influenced the way the US presidential candidates were presented.

The article discusses the problem of the evolution of audiovisual political advertising in Polish parliamentary campaigns in the years 2005–2019, taking a closer look at the presentation of programmatic issues, centralized personalization, and the rhetorical functions of spots. The content analysis of the election spots results in a fairly unchanged marketing standard of election offers, appropriate for all parties (regardless of their size), expressing an attempt to combine sensitivity to important voters' needs with an extensive symbolic layer, emotionally engaging for image purposes. In most spots, the emphasis on psychological and social benefits at the expense of functional (economic) benefits prevails. The change in campaigns concerns only the increase in the importance of appeals attacking political opponents. However, their role remains secondary, regardless of the party's position on the political market.