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The ongoing Russian military operation in Ukraine since February 2022 has presented significant challenges to China's foreign and security policies, as well as its economic and technological ties with the West. Initially, China refrained from criticizing Russia's military actions and adopted a "neutral" or "independent" stance in response to Western criticism. However, China was taken aback by the protracted nature of the conflict and Russia's inability to successfully conclude its military operation. This raised concerns within China, considering its own situation of potentially reunifying with Taiwan through military means if necessary. While there are distinctions between the situations in Ukraine and Taiwan, the initial speculation of China conducting military operations against Taiwan has gradually diminished, although military pressure on Taiwan remains. The conflict in Ukraine has also caused internal divisions within China and has had an impact on its relations with the West, which are crucial for China's rise on the global stage. This article aims to examine China's interests and positions regarding the ongoing Ukrainian conflict, the implications for its relations with Russia, and the opportunities and challenges that China faces in the current situation. The article employs an inductive approach, analyzing China's predicaments at four levels: perceptions within the decision-making bodies of the Communist Party, the foreign ministry, think-tanks, and the media community. It argues that in conjunction with China's economic contraction resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russian military operation has prompted China to seriously contemplate how to safeguard its national interests, particularly with regard to Taiwan and its strategic objectives of attaining a prominent global position. These considerations carry medium to long-term implications for the evolving regional and global orders. In conclusion, the article briefly discusses the implications of these developments on India, shedding light on the broader regional dynamics influenced by China's response to the Ukrainian conflict.

After 13 years of intense and grueling negotiations, diplomatic and political activities, the Iranian nuclear issue was resolved in mid-2015 with the provision of implementing the accord in a decade. As a member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Permanent Five (P5) P5+1 since April 2010 who negotiated the deal, China's moderate role has attracted global attention. While the United States, Russia, and European countries played a crucial role, Beijing's position in resolving the issue is not insignificant. Given China's interests in the region—ranging from economic, commercial, energy, and regional security to strategic concerns—while being one of the quiet negotiators, Beijing periodically dispatched its envoys and others to influence Tehran's responses. In the coming years, China's role is expected to show benefits in terms of energy deals as well as infrastructure developments and even arms sales to Tehran.

Ranganathan, C.V. and Kumar, Sanjeev (Eds), The 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China: A Major Turning Point for China (New Delhi: Indian Council of World Affairs and Pentagon Press, 2013). Pp. xiv + 341, Price ₹ 1,295.

India's relations with countries of East Asia reveal its growing profile in the region in economic, technological, diplomatic, political and military spheres. India's Look East policy, initiated in 1992, is bearing fruit now, as seen in the region becoming the largest trading partner of India, enhanced bilateral and multilateral diplomatic interactions, and long-term commitments in the security (maritime, cyber and space) fields. No doubt, relations between India and East Asia are acquiring depth as reflected in the broad-based interactions at the bilateral and multilateral levels as well as in trade, investments and people-to-people contacts in recent years. While Japan and both Koreas pose no major hurdle to India's foreign policy goal of garnering support for its basic cause of territorial integrity and sovereignty, the equation with China presents a very complicated picture. The apparent lack of insistence on the reciprocity principle by India in its dealings with China reflects the growing asymmetries in power between the two. As a result, India has been trying to enhance its defence cooperation with South Korea and Japan.

Weapons of mass destruction are spreading in the Asian region. Five countries in the region have nuclear weapons while some more are in the process of acquiring such capabilities. Several of them either have or are in the process of acquiring capabilities in ballistic missiles, chemical and biological weapons or technologies. Vertical or horizontal transfers to some extent have helped these states to acquire WMD. A number of arms control and disarmament measures and regimes have come up from concerned individuals, social groups and institutions at the national, regional and global levels to address this issue. No major escalation control procedures, specifically in nuclear or missile launches, nor 'de-targeting' or 'non-targeting' agreements exist between Asian states. As risk factors increase in post September 11 world, different solutions were offered by several countries. While the western countries succeeded in evolving mechanisms between NATO and Warsaw Pact countries on nuclear CBMs, Asia still lacks any pan-regional monitoring agency to reflect on or curb WMD transfers.