Suchergebnisse

Religieuze betekenisgeving doet ertoe, laat Radicale verlossing zien. Maar hoe verhoudt dergelijk werk zich tot een context waarin moslims geproblematiseerd worden op basis van ideeën over islam, politiek en terrorisme?

AbstractThe topic of hijra is very much present in the ideological messages of IslamicState and Al Qaeda as well as in many studies exploring why and how people are motivated to join the violent struggles in Syria. Yet, with a few exceptions, many studies mention hijra as something self-evident without exploring the meanings attached to hijra among the volunteers who joined Al Qaeda and/or IS. Based upon ethnographic work among Dutch Islamic militant activists of the Behind Bars network constituting a very vocal early contingent of male Syria volunteers, this article explores the meanings of hijra. I will show that ideas about hijra were essential to the construction of their departure narratives and examine how hijra for them, in different and sometimes contradicting ways, became a pathway to an ethical and political transformation. One which was, at the same time, being instrumentalized to strengthen the very type of governance they tried to escape.

Abstract
In this article I reflect upon my own work on Salafism in the Netherlands, particularly with militant activists, in order to think through some of the ethical and methodological dilemmas that arose throughout the research when many of my interlocutors left for Syria to join Jahbat al-Nusra and/or IS(IS). This culminated in my becoming a witness and an Expert Witness at a trial, testifying against several of my known contacts. After introducing this research and outlining my experiences in court, I set out to show how academic knowledge about Salafism and militant activism is used in a process of racialised categorisation and closure. This article contributes to critical reflections on the positionalities of social scientists and of social science in public in a context of racial securitisation and politicisation.

Dutch researchers and activists have drawn attention to the huge number of Islamophobic events taking place; ranging from degrading remarks to violent attacks. In this article I look at the work of anti-Islamophobia initiatives within the broader framework of the racialisation of Muslims. Firstly, I argue that racialisation interpellates Dutch Muslims as an unacceptable "Other." Secondly, I illustrate how anti-Islamophobia activism is informed by, and at the same time challenges, the racialisation of Muslims. In so doing I want to contribute to the debates about how Muslims are able to claim a 'Muslim voice' in a context in which racialisation seems all-encompassing.1

Der Autor erläutert zunächst, wie sich die Hofstad-Gruppe einerseits als Reaktion auf den um sich greifenden antiislamischen Populismus, andererseits in Absetzung vom als zu kompromissbereit erachteten Mainstream-Salafismus herausbildete. Für die militanten Islamisten stand fest, dass die Annäherung an den Westen Verrat am Islam bedeutete. Das soziale Umfeld, in dem sich die Hofstad-Gruppe bewegte, bezeichnet der Autor in Anlehnung an Bourdieu als "Soziales Feld", da dieser Ausdruck besser den inneren Pluralismus und die Spannungen innerhalb der salafistischen Szene reflektiere. Er zeichnet nach, wie die rund 30 Mitglieder des radikalen Netzwerkes, zu dem auch der Mörder Theo van Goghs gehörte, innerhalb der Niederlande zunehmend in die Isolierung gerieten. Zum Ausgleich für die schwindende Unterstützung in den Niederlanden gelang es ihnen, vermehrt Kontakte zu gleichgesinnten Gruppen jenseits der Grenze zu knüpfen. (ICB)

De auteur dankt Edien Bartels van de afdeling Sociale en Culturele Antropologie van de Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam en de redactie van Kwalon voor hun kritische commentaar op eerdere versies van dit artikel.