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The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.

The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.

The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.

The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.

The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.

The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.

The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.

The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.

Abstract
Iran nuclear negotiations, which resulted in an agreement in Vienna on the 14 July 2015 after signing The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, and its aftermath is one of the key topics of inquiry in recent decade. The density of the debate is primarily emanating from concerns related to the security questions of the Middle East and to the sensitivity of Israeli security situation. Moreover, it arises from the complexity of the whole negotiation process. Such issues like Supreme Leader's Ali Khamene'i's fatwa designating sinfulness to the nuclear capacity, his after-deal speech, calling for the enmity between Iran and the United States, Iran's declared aim to implement global justice and other cases are not customary acts of the state and the study of Iranian foreign policy is not substantive using customary instruments of analysis of International Relations. The article refers to the problem of knowledge production on Iran, and suggests that it mainly resulted from the lack of exchange between International Relations and Middle Eastern studies. This article aims to point at the authority of the ideas in Iran's foreign policy that Islam or Islamic ideologies like Khumaynism produce. Therefore the article focuses on the main narratives of the First Supreme Leader Ruhullah Khumayni's concept of justice in order to, first, explain the key points in Iran's position during negotiations and its aftermath and, second, to introduce the study of the concept of justice as a productive source of information and an approach for further analysis of Iranian foreign policy.

It should be noted that any military action against Iran would receive not only a fierce response, but also revenge. For this purpose, Iran is preparing its weaponry and developing state and non-state networks in both the Middle East and beyond. The article is concluded with the statement that the current Iranian threat lies, first, in its ability to incite countries in the region against the U.S. and Israel and, second, in the Iranian defense capabilities. Presumably, the Iranian foreign policy is not directed towards attacking the U.S. and Israel. Apparently, the aggressive rhetoric, strong non-government and government ties, involvement in the management of Iraq and Afghanistan (and thus gained deterrent power) bring Iran to all its major foreign policy goals, and a direct attack would be difficult to rationalize not only in terms of the security policy, but also in regard to the religious doctrine.

The article aims to assess Iran's threat to the international community (especially to the U.S. interests in the Middle East region and Israel's security) and thereby opposes several stereotypes intervening in Iran's foreign policy analysis. Evidently, they became a source of erroneous presumptions and induced a securitized policy towards Iran, which can be unnecessary and dangerous for the international community itself.The vastly recognized discourse that Iran is producing mass destruction weapons or even is eager to use them to confront the U.S. and Israel can be indicated as an example of such presumptions. The researcher E. Said has stated that the Middle East region has been mystified and irrationalized. This tendency served as a political strategy to approve imperial ambitions and actions. Unfortunately, the same strategy became an obstacle to clearly understand the current political processes in the Middle East.It is obvious that Iran's foreign policy is directed against the U.S. and Israel, but the assumption that Iran's ideological system contradicts the nation state security interests (which inevitably would be affected in case of the nuclear war) has no analytical background. Moreover, the U.S. National Intelligence Estimate and the IAEA reports conclude that no evidences were found to prove the military dimension of Iran's nuclear program. So, the article proceeds with the analysis of the Iran's regional power projections to answer the question what the nature of a real Iran's threat can be. ; Nuo islamo revoliucijos 1979 m. Irano veiksmų, ketinimų ir įtakos klausimai buvo sugrėsminami. 2005 m., Mahmudui Ahmedi-Nedžadui tapus prezidentu, tarptautinės bendruomenės santykių su Iranu struktūra įgavo dabartinį paranojiško įsibaiminimo dėl chroniško Irano ketinimų nesupratimo pavidalą. Irano užsienio politikos tikslų įvertinimas tampa ne tik svarbiu, bet ir pavojingu uždaviniu. Neteisingas vertinimas, kuris galimas ne vien dėl prieštaringų Irano signalų nesupratimo, bet ir dėl menko nusimanymo apie šalies politinį režimą, gali paskatinti imtis nereikalingų, tarptautinės bendruomenės saugumui įtakos turinčių veiksmų. Straipsnyje, analizuojant Irano regioninės galios projekcijas, siekiama atsakyti į klausimą, ar Islamo Respublika kelia grėsmę JAV interesams ir Izraelio saugumui, o jei taip, koks šios grėsmės pobūdis. Taikant nuosaikaus konstruktyvizmo konceptualų aparatą, atliekama Irano užsienio politikos interesų bei materialiųjų ir idėjinių galimybių juos įgyvendinti analizė. Aptariant Irano materialiąsias galimybes yra įvertinamas branduolinės programos veiksnys, įtakos tinklų Vidurio Rytų regione plėtra. Aptariant idėjines galimybes analizuojama Irano religinė doktrina ir jos įtaka strateginiams pasirinkimams.

It should be noted that any military action against Iran would receive not only a fierce response, but also revenge. For this purpose, Iran is preparing its weaponry and developing state and non-state networks in both the Middle East and beyond. The article is concluded with the statement that the current Iranian threat lies, first, in its ability to incite countries in the region against the U.S. and Israel and, second, in the Iranian defense capabilities. Presumably, the Iranian foreign policy is not directed towards attacking the U.S. and Israel. Apparently, the aggressive rhetoric, strong non-government and government ties, involvement in the management of Iraq and Afghanistan (and thus gained deterrent power) bring Iran to all its major foreign policy goals, and a direct attack would be difficult to rationalize not only in terms of the security policy, but also in regard to the religious doctrine.

It should be noted that any military action against Iran would receive not only a fierce response, but also revenge. For this purpose, Iran is preparing its weaponry and developing state and non-state networks in both the Middle East and beyond. The article is concluded with the statement that the current Iranian threat lies, first, in its ability to incite countries in the region against the U.S. and Israel and, second, in the Iranian defense capabilities. Presumably, the Iranian foreign policy is not directed towards attacking the U.S. and Israel. Apparently, the aggressive rhetoric, strong non-government and government ties, involvement in the management of Iraq and Afghanistan (and thus gained deterrent power) bring Iran to all its major foreign policy goals, and a direct attack would be difficult to rationalize not only in terms of the security policy, but also in regard to the religious doctrine.

It should be noted that any military action against Iran would receive not only a fierce response, but also revenge. For this purpose, Iran is preparing its weaponry and developing state and non-state networks in both the Middle East and beyond. The article is concluded with the statement that the current Iranian threat lies, first, in its ability to incite countries in the region against the U.S. and Israel and, second, in the Iranian defense capabilities. Presumably, the Iranian foreign policy is not directed towards attacking the U.S. and Israel. Apparently, the aggressive rhetoric, strong non-government and government ties, involvement in the management of Iraq and Afghanistan (and thus gained deterrent power) bring Iran to all its major foreign policy goals, and a direct attack would be difficult to rationalize not only in terms of the security policy, but also in regard to the religious doctrine.

The article aims to assess Iran's threat to the international community (especially to the U.S. interests in the Middle East region and Israel's security) and thereby opposes several stereotypes intervening in Iran's foreign policy analysis. Evidently, they became a source of erroneous presumptions and induced a securitized policy towards Iran, which can be unnecessary and dangerous for the international community itself.The vastly recognized discourse that Iran is producing mass destruction weapons or even is eager to use them to confront the U.S. and Israel can be indicated as an example of such presumptions. The researcher E. Said has stated that the Middle East region has been mystified and irrationalized. This tendency served as a political strategy to approve imperial ambitions and actions. Unfortunately, the same strategy became an obstacle to clearly understand the current political processes in the Middle East.It is obvious that Iran's foreign policy is directed against the U.S. and Israel, but the assumption that Iran's ideological system contradicts the nation state security interests (which inevitably would be affected in case of the nuclear war) has no analytical background. Moreover, the U.S. National Intelligence Estimate and the IAEA reports conclude that no evidences were found to prove the military dimension of Iran's nuclear program. So, the article proceeds with the analysis of the Iran's regional power projections to answer the question what the nature of a real Iran's threat can be.