Suchergebnisse

This text examines how housing market professionals - including housing developers, real estate agents, mortgage lenders, and appraisers - construct twenty-first-century urban housing markets in ways that contribute to or undermine racial segregation. Drawing on extensive ethnographic and interview data collected in Houston, Texas, the book shows that housing market professionals play a key role in connecting people - or refusing to connect people - to housing resources and opportunities.

Despite numerous legal interventions intended to mitigate racial discrimination in the United States, racial inequality persists in virtually every domain that matters for human well-being. To better understand the processes enabling this durable inequality, I undertake a case study of the housing market—a domain centrally linked to persistent, systemic disparity. I examine how racial stereotypes permeate the distinct but serially linked stages of the housing exchange process; the conditions under which stereotypes are deployed in each stage; and how such dynamics accumulate to affect ultimate processes of exclusion and inclusion. Drawing on one year of ethnographic fieldwork and more than 100 in-depth interviews in the Houston housing market, my findings demonstrate that widely shared, hierarchical stereotypes about race, supported by conditions such as network-necessitated rapport-building and discretion, compound discrimination across discrete stages of housing exchange. I argue that as this accumulation occurs, inequality between minorities and minority neighborhoods and whites and white neighborhoods is rendered durable.

The real estate brokerage industry has long perpetuated overt discrimination against minority housing consumers, but we know little about how it may reproduce inequality through less overt means. In this article, I highlight real estate agents' (REAs) reliance on social networks as key to how this "new inequality" happens. Specifically, I investigate the contextual factors that enable white agents to maintain predominantly white networks and how disparate-impact consequences for minority home buyers and sellers emerge when white agents deploy their networks in ordinary housing situations. My examination relies on one year of ethnographic research with 10 REAs and 49 in-depth interviews with REAs, home buyers, and home sellers in the Houston housing market. I begin my analysis by documenting agents' racially stratified networks. I then unpack how agent pay structure and status as market gatekeepers supported the persistence of white agents' white networks and constrained minority agents' business opportunities. Finally, I show how white agents' reliance on white networks came together with other widely shared practices to negatively affect minority home buyers and sellers, excluding them from for-sale homes and competitive customer service. I conclude by discussing the implications of my findings for mitigating housing market inequality.

Prior U.S.-based research examining the collective remembrance of racially charged events has focused on the black-white binary, largely bypassing such remembrance among U.S. Hispanics. In this article, I ask how a group of Mexican-origin Hispanics in an historic Houston barrio remember two racially charged events as well as whether and how these events are publicly commemorated. Additionally, race and collective memory research has often highlighted the role of collective memory in shaping race relations. I argue that collective memory can also be an institution, structuring macro- and micro-level representations of race. Thus, I ask whether and how respondents' memories shape the social construction of the Hispanic category. I find strong memory convergence with respect to one event—the case of Jose Campos Torres—and divergence in three directions with respect to the Moody Park riot. The former corresponds to a collective understanding of what Hispanic meant in the past while the latter corresponds to a fractured understanding of what Hispanic means in the present. I also explore how respondents' racial self-perceptions coincide with their various interpretations of the riot. Overall, I theorize that a fractured collective memory of a racially charged event suggests a fractured collective identity and contributes to an ambiguous Hispanic category. I conclude by discussing suggestions for future research.

Prior research has illuminated the destructive impact of redevelopment in racially marginalized U.S. barrios, but we know little about middle–class Mexican Americans' perceptions of barrio redevelopment, why they may perceive redevelopment in different ways, and what the implications of their perceptions are. Using ethnographic– and interview–based methods, I ask how middle–class Mexican Americans in Houston's Northside barrio perceive recent redevelopment efforts underway in the neighborhood. I also ask why respondents perceive redevelopment in different ways, with some viewing redevelopment as progress and others viewing it as destructive. Not finding systematic differences across categories of generation–since–immigration, race, residence, class, or class background, I argue respondents' sentimental and behavioral attachment to barrio places, institutions, people, and culture is the best explanation for their differing perceptions of redevelopment. Finally, I ask what the implications of their perceptions may be, as a fractured middle–class Mexican American response may facilitate destructive redevelopment processes in the future.

Racialized housing markets are a cornerstone of systemic racial inequality in the United States, affecting socioeconomic, wealth, health, and educational outcomes. To enrich critical sociological research on housing, we examine how low-income renters perceive, experience, and navigate racialized dispossessing, or the everyday processes by which people of color are severed from place, home, and stability in rental markets. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 43 low-income American Indian, Black, Latinx, and White renters across two research sites, we find that low-income renters of color routinely experience other-race landlord and property manager non-responsiveness to housing quality and safety issues while White renters experience responsiveness. We also show how renters of color perceive and experience landlords and property managers racializing them as inferior, at times to justify this dispossession. In contrast to most of their counterparts of color, we demonstrate how low-income American Indian renters in our sample with same-Tribe landlords or property managers are protected from the harms their counterparts face. Finally, we show how low-income renters of color use a variety of strategies to resist this racialized dispossessing, often at great emotional or financial cost. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for research and housing policy.

AbstractThis article argues that analysts should examine how individuals perceive and construct value in order to understand persistent forms of inequality. Drawing on years of ethnographic observations of real estate professionals and homeseekers across various segments of the housing markets in Houston, TX and New York, NY, this article develops the concepts of value fluidity and value anchoring to describe how valuation occurs and to better theorize how valuation itself reproduces racial–spatial inequality in housing. It shows that consumers' valuation criteria can be quite malleable and highly influenced by intermediaries and experts. At the same time, valuation is patterned in reference to existing hierarchies. The article concludes by arguing for the importance of theorizing valuation through observation of market interactions and by showing why investigations of the housing market must focus on intermediaries.

AbstractThis study examines the extent to which road connectivity and physical barriers—such as highways, railroad tracks, and waterways—structure spatial patterns of racial and ethnic residential segregation and shape how segregation is locally experienced by residents. Our focus is on physical barriers that are also social boundaries—features of the built environment that reducephysicalconnectivity and mark asocialboundary between geographic areas. We measure residential segregation with attention to the proximity and road connectivity between locations, which allows us to identify areas where physical barriers mark a social boundary between geographic areas with different racial and ethnic compositions. Our approach integrates ethnographic observation of three such areas in Houston, Texas, to investigate residents' perceptions and local experience of social and spatial division. The results reveal that physical barriers are associated with heightened levels of ethnoracial segregation, and residents experience the barriers as symbolic markers of perceived distinctions between groups and physical impediments to social connection. Although barriers like highways, railroad tracks, and bayous are not inherently harbingers of ethnoracial segregation, our study demonstrates that physical barriers can provide the infrastructure for social boundaries and facilitate durable neighborhood racial divisions.

The history of the U.S. housing market is bound up in systemic, explicit racism. However, little research has investigated whether racial inequality also persists in the contemporary appraisal industry and, if present, how it happens. The present article addresses this gap by centering the appraisal industry as a key housing market player in the reproduction of racial inequality. Using a census of all single-family tax-appraised homes in Harris County (Houston), Texas, the authors examine the influence of neighborhood racial composition on home values independent of home characteristics and quality; neighborhood housing stock, socioeconomic status, and amenities; and consumer housing demand. Noting that substantial neighborhood racial inequality in home values persists even when these variables are accounted for, the authors then use ethnographic and interview data to investigate the appraisal processes that enable this inequality to continue. The findings suggest that variation in appraisal methods coupled with appraisers' racialized perceptions of neighborhoods perpetuates neighborhood racial disparities in home value. The authors conclude with suggestions for future research and policy interventions aimed at standardizing the appraisal process.

Case studies have illuminated that U.S. real estate agents, as key housing market gatekeepers, continue to maintain racial residential stratification well into the twenty-first century. We use novel survey data gathered from real estate agents across the United States to descriptively explore agents' ideas about clients of color in the housing market, as well as their practices, such as conducting business through social networks. Our findings provide evidence of the subtle and more overt ways that these ideas and practices that, when taken together, constitute what we call racialized real estate agency and contribute to ongoing racial segregation. We issue a call for future research to continue examining the ways agents' and other gatekeepers' ideas and practices contribute to or mitigate stratifying processes and describe the utility of such research for policy.

Social scientists have long debated whether racial inequality is an unfortunate consequence of political and economic exploitation or a core feature of capitalism. In 1983, Cedric Robinson synthesized these two opposing perspectives, calling the latter racial capitalism and demonstrating its theoretical viability. In recent years, scholars have increasingly employed Robinson's conception of racial capitalism to explain a wide array of phenomena. Yet, urban sociology has not fully explored how racial capitalism changes and reshapes our core theoretical approaches. To begin to fill this gap, this special issue presents original papers that employ racial capitalism to extend, challenge, or refine theories of and methods for understanding cities and communities. In this introduction, we outline urban scholars' historical explanations of racial inequality and provide an overview of the development and definition(s) of racial capitalism. We then summarize the papers included in this special issue and discuss a pathway forward for urban sociology.

This study examines the historical establishment and shifting residential access to city parks over time. It begins by engaging and extending a theory of urbanization as socioenvironmental succession. It then assembles and analyzes longitudinal data on city park creation and neighborhood change in Houston from 1947 to 2015. Results reveal how socially privileged residents have long enjoyed unequal access to city parks as well as strong influence over where new ones are established. At the same time, growing minority populations have managed to gain more equitable access not by having new parks come to them so much as by moving into neighborhoods where Whites once lived. These dynamics obscure past processes and patterns of inequality while allowing newer, unexpected ones to emerge. We conclude with a discussion of what these findings imply for understanding not just unequal access to city parks but broader processes of urbanization.