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This paper discusses the shift in electoral politics of political Islam in the context of democratic consolidation in Indonesia after Reformasi, particularly in South Kalimantan where 94% of the voters are Muslims and considerably religious. It examines the thesis of fading sectarian politics (politik aliran, sectarian identity-based politics) in Indonesia (Liddle and Mujani, 2004; Hamayotsu, 2012) in the midst of growing oligarchy (Hadiz and Robison, 2005; and Winters, 2011) which led to rationalism and pragmatism in electoral politics, in contrast to sectarian politics. Qualitative methodology was employed by using in-depth interviews with local elite Muslim politicians in South Kalimantan. Perceptions and motives on power, political transactional cost, coalition formation, and sharia law were elaborated and analyzed. This research argues that the political Islam adapted to the changing landscape of the electoral politics, both in elite and mass level. In disagreement with other research which concluded that the political Islam plays important role in a 'religious-democracy' in Indonesia (Tanuwidjaja, 2010), this paper argues that they adjusted their vision and strategy to make the most in the electoral politics in the changing context. Islamic norms and culture, are interpreted in harmony with nationalism and democracy, not particularly distinctive and exclusive. Islamic symbols and networks are considered advantages during election campaign and mobilization, although the Muslim politicians are pragmatic when it comes to electability, popularity, and political transaction in coalition formation and policy making.

In the last two decades, Indonesia has been swiftly maneuvering between China and the United States in the context of the great powers' contest in the region. But a look further into history shows deeper dynamics of Indonesia‐China relations, in which Indonesia demonstrates paradigm shifts of its China policy on the verge of China's rise toward great power status. This article argues for the best use of theoretical eclecticism to comprehend Indonesia's policy perspective toward China's rise as a great power.

Political trust is important for government in its attempt to implement policies that require the participation of its citizens. During Covid-19 pandemic, trust in government contributes to the decrease of the perception of Covid-19 risks, the increase of public obedience and willingness to do measures of Covid-19 prevention, and the reduction of mortality rate. In regard to this, data show there has been change in the trend of political distrust before and during the Covid-19 in Australia and Indonesia. Using a qualitative approach with data collection methods of library research and online media investigation, this article examines factors that contribute to different trend in political distrust facing Prime Minister Scott Morrison and his government in Australia and President Joko Widodo and his administration in Indonesia before and during Covid-19 pandemic in 2020. Employing Bertsou's theory of political distrust, this article argues that factors contribute to the different trend in political distrust facing Australia and Indonesia before and during Covid-19 pandemic are the competency of each government in responding to Covid-19 pandemic especially their ability to slow down the spread of Covid-19 and reduce the mortality rate of Covid-19, government's transparency of Covid-19 data, and the government's interest.

This article examines the role of the military in Indonesian democracy since 1998. After 20 years of democratic reforms, it appears that the military has not executed all necessary reform agendas toward a professional military. Using qualitative research, this article questions how the new form of military role in politics was formed and how it contributes to the formation of Indonesian democracy today. It argues that the historical process of political interactions between actors has affected the formation of civil‐military relations. Indonesian military successfully maintained its power and leverage in politics by securitization and elegant power play with the elites. Civilian elites had to leave military reform agenda to the military and accept their dependence on military support to secure power. This situation has so far ensured military informal power and halted reform for professional military.

This paper discusses the behavior of political party in Deputy Governor election (Pilwagub) at Riau Islands Province (Kepri) 2017 with rational choice and cartel politics approach. The DPRD of Riau Islands Provincial decision to to choose and assign Isdianto as Deputy Governor requires controversy, it is caused by the domination of one coalition over the other in the 2015 Governor election. This study argues that the motive for power in inter-party relations at the local level, especially those who have seats in Parliament of Riau Islands Province, tends to influence DPRD's decision. Political parties effort at the local level through electoral changes are characterized by the pragmatism of political parties. The parties that competed in the 2015 Pilgub challenged reconciliation since the 2017 governor election. The findings of this study are those that discuss cartel policy through unseen agreements that are reflected in the DPRD's plenary decision by acclamation.

The momentum of freedom after the New Order regime was utilized by railway workers to establish the Indonesian Railway Workers Union (SPKA) on 13 September 1999. The existence of SPKA is a place in voicing the demand for civil servant status and welfare improvement as a result of the Decree of the Minister of Transportation No.18 on Dismissal of Employees as Civil Servants of the Railway Service Company (PJKA). The return of civil servant status becomes more difficult to be realized when the company returns to PT. Kereta Api (Persero) thus strengthening the SPKA to conduct resistance movement against the company post-Reformation. This study aims to explain how the SPKA movement takes advantage of political opportunities in order to urge the government and company to fulfill their demands. The object of research that becomes the author's focus is SPKA in launching the struggle movement demanding the return of civil servant status and the improvement of welfare.Using a documentary study and depth interview, this paper was built in descriptive-analytical way that helped the authors in explaining the political opportunities that were open after the Reformation. The author found four forms of political opportunity that exist and can be used by SPKA to conduct resistance movement that is reorganization of SPKA, openness of political access post Reformation, improvement of business climate in Indonesia, and management problem of the company. These four political opportunities correspond to the indicators of political opportunities in the social movement proposed by Tilly, Tarrow, and Schock.By utilizing the momentum of post-Reform freedom and political opportunities, the SPKA movement was able to pressure governments and corporations to meet their demands. This research is expected to be an academic contribution in the study of social movements and labor politics in the future. Article DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.20319/pijss.2017.32.11751191 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, PO Box 1866, Mountain View, CA 94042, USA.

This article discussed the contestation of ideological interests between the state, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in the case of the disbandment of HTI in 2017. The disbandment of HTI explained the existence of pro and contra groups and the attraction of ideological interests. This research was qualitative research with observation and interview methods. The research results proved that there were conflicting and conflicting interests between the interests of the state, HTI, and NU. The state interests were the interests of the Pancasila ideology and public security. NU rejected the caliphate because it was interested in defending the "Islam Nusantara" ideology. NU's success in encouraging the government was influenced by the issues' relevance and the condition of the political structure of Joko Widodo's government for the 2014-2019 period. The polarized condition of the government's political structure in the Jokowi versus Prabowo group influenced the decision to disband HTI because NU was identified with moderate Islam that supported Jokowi. Hence, NU's bargaining power with the Jokowi government was more substantial than HTI. ; Artikel ini membahas kontestasi kepentingan ideologis antara negara, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), dan Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) pada kasus pembubaran HTI tahun 2017. Pembubaran HTI menjelaskan adanya pertentangan kelompok pro dan kontra serta tarik menarik kepentingan ideologis. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan metode observasi dan wawancara. Hasil penelitian membuktikan adanya kepentingan yang saling berpapasan dan bertolak belakang di antara kepentingan negara, HTI dan NU. Kepentingan negara adalah kepentingan ideologi Pancasila dan keamanan masyarakat. NU menolak khilafah karena memiliki kepentingan mempertahankan ideologi "Islam Nusantara". Keberhasilan NU mendorong pemerintah dipengaruhi oleh faktor relevansi isu dan kondisi struktur politik pemerintahan Joko Widodo periode 2014-2019. Kondisi struktur politik pemerintahan yang ...

This research aims to describe the process of nominating women for political parties and the electability of women in the regional representative council Padang City as seen from the 2014 and 2019 elections. Using the concept of Pitkin's descriptive political representation simplified by Phillips as a politics of presence, this paper describes women's electability in the Padang legislature with homogeneous community conditions with majority ethnicity are Minangkabau. The presence of women candidates in the Padang City legislature has benefited from the economic conditions owned both individually and by families. Political factors also show that there's still the influence of family politics in the candidacy of women. The level of incumbent electability was high from the 2014 to 2019 elections, but in quantity, there was a decrease in women's representation in the Padang City legislature. Meanwhile, if we look at the homogeneity of the people in Padang, conditions also follow it in the Padang legislature, which is also filled with representatives of women from Minangkabau ethnicity. However, this community homogeneity does not increase women in political institutions.