Suchergebnisse

<p><em>The aim of this article is to question two major political shifts occurring in Greece during the recent economic, political and social crisis. The first is related to the collapse of political commitment (declining levels of political trust, political interest and institutionalized forms of political engagement). The second is associated to the resurgence of civic and political engagement as indicated by the appearance of new forms of political participation. Two main issues are under investigation</em><em>: </em><em>the rise of new forms of political and civic engagement in a context of declining levels of important political variables </em><em>and the specific role </em><em>ο</em><em>f online media as one of the factors that influence patterns of engagement</em><em>. More specifically, we question whether the debt crisis contributed to the emergence of a new political agent that acts in a more collective and participatory way, if there are some specific attributes to those participatory types and if the use of the net can generate political engagement. The above hypotheses are investigated utilizing empirical data from the European Social Survey (ESS) and from the National Centre for Social Research (EKKE). </em></p>

The aim of this article is to question two major political shifts occurring in Greece during the recent economic, political and social crisis. The first is related to the collapse of political commitment (declining levels of political trust, political interest and institutionalized forms of political engagement). The second is associated to the resurgence of civic and political engagement as indicated by the appearance of new forms of political participation. Two main issues are under investigation: the rise of new forms of political and civic engagement in a context of declining levels of important political variables and the specific role οf online media as one of the factors that influence patterns of engagement. More specifically, we question whether the debt crisis contributed to the emergence of a new political agent that acts in a more collective and participatory way, if there are some specific attributes to those participatory types and if the use of the net can generate political engagement. The above hypotheses are investigated utilizing empirical data from the European Social Survey (ESS) and from the National Centre for Social Research (EKKE). ; Το παρόν άρθρο στοχεύει στην ανάδειξη δύο σημαντικών μετασχηματισμών που έλαβαν χώρα στην Ελλάδα κατά τη διάρκεια της κρίσης δημοσιονομικού χρέους. Ο πρώτος σχετίζεται με την κατάρρευση σημαντικών μεταβλητών πολιτικής εμπιστοσύνης, πολιτικού ενδιαφέροντος και πολιτικής συμμετοχής. Ο δεύτερος σχετίζεται με την αναβίωση της πολιτικής δέσμευσης όπως υποδεικνύουν νέες μορφές πολιτικής συμμετοχής. Στόχος μας είναι η παραγωγή μιας τυπολογίας μορφών πολιτικής συμμετοχής και η διερεύνηση της μεταβαλλόμενης επιρροής των κοινωνικο-δημογραφικών μεταβλητών και των μιντιακών χρήσεων. Πιο ειδικά, θα διερωτηθούμε αν η κρίση χρέους συνέβαλε στην εμφάνιση ενός νέου πολιτικού υποκειμένου σε ένα περιβάλλον πολιτικής απαξίωσης, αν υπάρχουν συγκεκριμένες ιδιότητες (φύλο, ηλικία, εκπαιδευτικό επίπεδο) που συνδέονται με τις μορφές πολιτικής συμμετοχής και αν, ειδικά, η χρήση του διαδικτύου μπορεί να συμβάλει στην ενεργοποίηση ορισμένων από αυτές.

This edited volume contributes to a better understanding of parliamentary changes in times of political transition, and, specifically, the composition of the Greek Parliament before and after the debt crisis. It discusses the profiles of Greek MPs through the lens of continuity and renewal, starting with the first major political crisis after the Metapolitefsi in 1989 and ending with the last legislative elections of 2019. Greece attracted scholarly and international interest due to the transformations that the sovereign debt crisis provoked to its political and partisan system. It is one of the countries of the European periphery most severely hit during the great recession. However, no work so far has been devoted exclusively to the study of Greek parliamentary elites, their cultural and political characteristics, and the factors that shape their selection and election. The book is a multifaceted source of information for all those interested in understanding forms of political representation during normal times and times of crisis. Its distinctive advantage is that it offers an up to date and complete elite study in Greece comparable to similar European studies. Moreover, it is a useful tool for students, scholars and researchers interested in the study of political representation across Europe. Manina Kakepaki is a Principal Researcher at the National Centre for Social Research (EKKE)- Institute of Political Research, Greece. Fani Kountouri is Assistant Professor of Political Science-Political Communication at the Department of Political Science and History, Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences, Athina, Greece.

1. Greek Parliamentary elites in transition (1989-2019) -- 2. Gender, representation and the politics of exclusion. Or, who represents, who is represented? -- 3. Politics and profession: continuities and discontinuities in the occupational composition of the Greek parliamentary elite -- 4. From Media to Politics: Journalists in the Greek Parliament -- 5. Young conservatives, media personalities or old-school elites? The many faces of New Democracy MPs across time -- 6. From Hegemony to Pasokification. Socialist MP's in transition -- 7. Composition and Role of Parliamentary Elites as an Indicator of Party Transformation: The Case of SYRIZA -- 8. Mapping of the Extreme right MPs: From LAOS to Greek Solution -- 9. Candidates' personal preference votes and changes in parliamentary representation -- 10. The emergence of "technocracy" in Greek ministerial elites -- 11. Make or Break? A Comparison of Parliamentary Representation in Cyprus and Greece in the Background of the Economic Crisis -- 12. Three generations of parliamentary elites. A proposed typology.

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Praise for Parliamentary Elites in Transition -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Introduction: Greek Parliamentary Elites in Transition (1989-2019) -- Why the Study of Parliamentary Elites Matters: From the Study of Parliaments to the Study of Political and Social Transformations -- The Study of Parliamentary Elites in Greece: Mapping the Terrain -- The Periodization of Metapolitefsi. Between Stability and Fluidity -- 1989-1993: The Period of the Political Crisis -- 1996-2009: The Period of Stabilization -- 2012-2015: The Period of the Economic Crisis -- The 2019 Period of New Stabilization. Or, What Comes Next? -- Methodological Considerations on Data Collection -- Structure of the Book -- References -- 2 Gender, Representation, and the Politcs of Exclusion: Or, Who Represents, Who Is Represented, What Is at Stake? -- Introduction -- The Issue -- The Situation: Women in Political Representation -- The "Solution" or, What Is at Stake? -- Concluding Remarks -- References -- 3 Mind the Gaps: The Class Dynamics of the Greek Parliamentary Elite -- Introduction -- Theoretical Background -- Research Questions, Data and Methods -- Results -- Conclusions -- Bibliography -- 4 Revolving Doors Between Journalism and Politics: A Comparative Approach to Traditional and New Professions in the Greek Parliament -- Introduction: The Political Parallelism Process -- How Mediatization Impact the Political Recruitment Process -- Questions and Methods -- Journalists in the Greek Parliament: 1989-2019 -- The Dynamic Rise of a Professional Category -- Journalistic Capital: A Personal Resource of Reputation and Social Recognition -- Journalists Typology -- Conclusion -- References -- 5 Young Conservatives, Media Personalities or Old-School Elites? The Many Faces of New Democracy MPs Across Time.

Research on political incivility in social media has primarily been focused on the types and frequency of impolite or uncivil language used to attack politicians. However, there is so far little evidence on the uncivil use of organic targeting tactics. We define organic targeting tactics as the ways through which users can utilize the Twitter tagging conventions (hashtags and mentions) and its "reply" feature to target specific publics and accounts other than those in their followers' list. In the discussion on the study of political incivility on Twitter we introduce organic targeting tactics as another critical element of political incivility which may involve the violation of several political civility norms or essentially alter the intensity of their violation. Based on data from Greek Twitter this paper identifies and explores how users exploited the hashtag, mention, and reply feature of Twitter to target political out- and in-group politicians and publics and wide audiences with uncivil political messages. The dataset includes 101.512 tweets containing the "Syriza_xeftiles" hashtag posted during the period between January 2015 and early June 2019, obtained from the Twitter Search API. The dataset contains only tweets from Twitter user accounts that have posted at least 30 #Syriza_xeftiles tweets during the period under study. Analyses organic targeting tactics were based on an inductive lexicon-based approach. Evidence presented in this paper indicated that Twitter users gradually learned how to weaponize the hashtag, reply, and mention features of Twitter to target more and more regularly a variety of political accounts, publics, and audiences in Greek Twitter with uncivil political narratives. The weaponization of these Twitter features often involved the combination of several political incivility dimensions, which apart from the use of insulting utterances included the use of deception through hashjacking and the discursive dimension, which in effect constituted space violations, interruptions, and discussion prevention. We argue that this practice is indicative of a qualitatively different kind of political incivility because it does not simply aspire to establish ad-hoc political publics where incivility is the norm but also to deliberately expose other political and non-political publics to uncivil political narratives. Therefore, the deliberate use of organic targeting tactics can have far wider implications on affective polarization and ultimately on democratic processes.

This study aims to explore and discuss how Greek news media Twitter accounts reported and framed grassroots protest/support activities of the anti-austerity camp and the pro-"Europe" camp, and their protagonists, grievances, and demands in the days before and after the July 2015 bailout referendum. The Greek referendum offers a special case to study the protest paradigm in complex, hybrid and polarized protest arenas, where two opposing protest camps mobilize massively to achieve their political aims. In total, 1,999 media tweets with references to grassroots protest/support activities and public opinion/citizens' behavior in relation to the referendum were analyzed using content analysis processes and framing devices. Results show significant differences in frame coverage depending on the protest cycle challenging the protest paradigm, while the media emphasis on high-profile sources confirms key features of this paradigm.