Suchergebnisse

Our paper follows on the observation made by Ferenc Pataki who stated that national identity isa collective identity shaped by both political/citizenship-related and cultural elements. Whilethese two elements are usually similar, the national identity of people from ethnic minoritiesdiffer along these two identities. Our analysis discusess the changes that happened during thehundred years since the Treaty of Trianion to these two elements of the national identity of thefollowing three generations of Hungarians in Vojvodina: between the two World Wars, thosewho grew up during the communism and those who became adults after 1990. We conclude thatthe first generation retained their cultural-historical national identiy formed before Wold War Ibut they did not develop Hungarian or South Slavic national idenities. To replace the SouthSlavic identity they developed a regional identity to Vojvodina. The second generation, who wereborn and raised after 1945, developed Yugoslavian political/citizenship-related national identythrough socialisation in a new political system and a regional identity to Vojvodina, which meantan alienation from Hungary. As a result of their shattered cultural-historical national identity,they started to assimilate, some of them lost their Hungarian cultural-historical identity andacquired a Serbian or Yugoslavian national identity instead. The national identity of the thirdgeneration who grew up after 1990 will be discussed in a second paper.

In this second paper, we are attempting to demonstarte the changes in the political/citizenshiprelated and cultural-historical national identity of the Hungarian ethnic minority in Vojvodina.With the end of Yugoslavia as a country this ethnic minority became Serbian citizens. The newleaders of Serbia had an adverse view on this ethnic minority until 2014 when the Serbianpolitical leaderership changed their political identity and favoured the West instead of EasternEurope.The financial aid provided by the Hungarian Government to the Hungarians living inVojvodina, which targeted cultural and economic development in the area, aimed to better thelife and strenghten the national identity of this ethnic minority. Those who received financialaid developed a better outlook on life. The possibility to acquire Hungarian citizenship easily strenghtened the Hungarian national identity of this minority and contributed to populationdecline. While people migrating to Hungary are primarily motivated by access to bettereducation, others migrate to Western Europe for work.

After drawing the Trianon borders in 1920, a minor part of Hungarians became residents of the territory of present-day independent Slovenia. The number of their descendants is approxima-tely 6000, and they constitute one of the Hungarian diasporic communities in the Carpathian Basin. In order to rename this part annexed from historical Vas and Zala counties a new notion was created: the Mura Region. The starting point of this study is raising attention to the fact that authors dealing with this region do not identify the name Mura Region with an identical territorial unit. Our aim is to present and analyse them, meanwhile offering an option to solve the different interpretations of the Mura Region. Besides the geographic approach, our study also relies on sociological aspects, including interviewing the local population, and it carries out research into the causes of the different interpretations of the Mura Region. We analyse this issue by presenting the territorial, historical, political, economic and cultural features of the area.

In the authors' contention the category of (landed) property includes values, social-cultural meanings and social and political power relationships. Privately owned farms were eliminated in Soviet type regimes by the means of state intervention and terror since they obstructed a program of forced industrialisation and exercising power. Collectivisation became a staggering, collective event of social history that transformed structures. The practice of eliminating private forms resulted in many respects in a particular dynamics and an independent process with its own internal logic. Subsequently, this laid the foundations for the Hungarian model of agriculture where the insistence on land was replaced by concerns for earning in cash. These conditions determined the atmosphere of decollectivisation, as well. Those persons compensated who after 1992 obtained actual landed property, were unable or unwilling to work in agriculture since they were uncertain of their skills or the profitability of production in the conditions of the new market economy.