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This article aims to present non-Schmittian ways of defining "the political" in Polish discourse on the theory of politics. The article consists of three parts. The first one briefly describes Carl Schmitt's understanding of "the political". The second one discusses various ways in which non-Schmittian approaches to the concept are identified based on four features (definitions that do not refer to conflict; definitions based on agonistic visions of social rivalry; the ones that focus on individuals instead of large social groups, and those which by referring to postmodernism, define new boundaries of the political as such). The third section provides a summary.

The objective of this article is to present possibilities offered by a combination of two theories, that is role theory (Holsti, 1970; Thies, Breuning, 2012; Walker, 1981; 1987; 2004; 2017; Wehner, Thies, 2014) and two-level games framework (Putnam, 1988). Although this 'combining'may still cause considerable difficulties, because various IR theories are based on different ontological and epistemological assumptions, theoretical syntheses, however, are not impossible and, offer myriad research possibilities of developing middle-range ways of solving research puzzles (Jorgensen, 2018, pp. 250–252). The article consists of four parts. In the first one, the essential assumptions of role theory and the two-level game framework will be presented. The second part will present how to combine assumptions of these two theories by following the strategy of 'domain of application'. In the third one, the results of the synthesis will be elucidated. It will be done by referring to the three factors that the two-level games framework is based on and by showing how previous studies focused on role theory could be supplemented by Putnam's framework. The fourth, concluding part, will present final reflections as well as sketch the turf of the proposed theoretical synthesis.

Artykuł dotyczy polskiego sporu aborcyjnego osadzonego w realiach dyskursu polityki. Analiza uwzględnia przede wszystkim debaty sejmowe z lat 2006/2007–2016, a więc te, które odbywały się po latach: 1989 i 2004, określanych jako dwa punkty zwrotne w procesach transformacji ustrojowej i demokratyzacji. Publikacja przedstawia główne strategie dyskursywne stosowane przez uczestników sporów oraz wskazuje na miejsce, jakie zajmują w nich wątki religijne. Metodą wykorzystaną w pracach jest socjologiczna analiza dyskursu, zdefiniowana głównie według założeń Jorge Ruiz Ruiz i uzupełniona elementami analizy ilościowej.

The Polish dispute over in vitro. The character of public debate The aim of the article is to present the polish discourse on in vitro fertilization (IVF) and law regulation related to this issue. This article investigates the discursive strategies presented in the political discourse as well as in the part of public discourse, where the positions of proponents and opponents of the IVF are articulated. The publication presents the arguments of the Catholic clergy as well as activists and journalists associated with the Church (mainly presented in the press and on the Internet). In addition, the article shows the views of those who are strongly engaged in the promotion of the in vitro fertilization in Poland (their arguments are mostly presented in the press, media as well as on the Internet websites that were established especially for this reason). The article analyses the question of the identity of those who are IVF children and who recently are also taking part in the public debate related to this issue. The method, that has been chosen for the investigation, is the sociological discourse analysis, which enables to understand the social world (and political as well) from within while focusing on sense and reference of communication acts. Consequently, it can be applied to studying N. Luhmann's system theory that assumes the investigation of the social system from within its own functioning.

The aim of this article is to assess the progressiveness of neoclassical realism (NCR) in the context of neorealism's development. By appealing to the idea of Lakatos research programs, it shows possible ways of NCR's development and projects its possible futures. The article proceeds in three parts. The first one juxtaposes literature concerning Lakatos's notion of scientific progress in IR with the philosopher himself and consequently shows how trying to operationalize his methodology in social science is not the way to go. The paper refers to both Elmans' (2002, 2003) and Schweller's (2003) proposals, pointing out that the first attempt at a detailed operationalization of Lakatos's idea is not possible in social sciences, and that the second, relying on a commonsense approach, also proved insufficient to apply Lakatos's criteria in practice. The second part of the article identifies the theoretical contents of NCR: hard core as well as its positive and negative heuristic, whereas the third one presents how Lakatos's philosophy inspired the authors to develop three metaphors – weathered tree, graft, and seedling – that help to convey something about the present version of NCR and its possible futures. Conclusions draw the readers' attention to the question whether and which of the presented metaphors shows the progressive promise of NCR's progress as understood in Lakatos' terms.

The objective of this article is to demonstrate the place of the global governance concept in four international relations theories: realism, liberalism, neoliberal institutionalism and social constructivism. Global governance is defined as the sum of ways that institutions and international organizations, both public and private, use to try to cooperate at the global level in order to manage their common affairs. In addition, the paper defines global governance as being a specific perspective on world politics that offers a tool for understanding global change in an era of shifting boundaries and relocated authorities. The main research questions of the article are: how the most influential IR theories have reacted to the global governance concept and why the term 'global governance', so popularly and so frequently used in the 1990's, has not resulted in a stable concept. Conclusions and suggestions presented in the summary point out that global governance held the promise of a radical transformation (predicted by almost every IR theory) of world order at the end of the Cold War. However, this great institutional transformation has never taken place. Therefore, current global politics still remain resistant to any form of world (or global) governance.

Artykuł zawiera teksty:
- Tomasz Pugacewicz, Wprowadzenie- Anna Wojciuk, Pochwała "dobrej roboty"- Andrzej Polus, Stosunki międzynarodowe w Polsce – szklanka do połowy...- Magdalena Kozub-Karkut, Garść refleksji po okrągłym stole- Mateusz Filary-Szczepanik, Wyznania świeżo upieczonego doktora na okrągłym stole- Marcin Grabowski, Co sprawi, że Polacy będą obecni w światowej nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych?- Michał Rekowski, Problem przygotowania młodych badaczy stosunków międzynarodowych do uczestnictwa w globalnym obiegu tej dyscypliny