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Austerity has become a key term in economic and social policy debates. Although austerity has been contested both in terms of economic theory and policy-making, it has been remarkably resilient. This resilience has been explained, for example, in structural and institutional terms by the rise of the 'debt state'. Other explanations have emphasised the strength of austerity ideas rooted in 'ordo-liberal' economic theory. Following the insights of science technology scholarship and its emphasis on the social co-production of authoritative knowledge, this article proposes a stronger focus on organisations and their links across nation state borders for an explanation of the stability of austerity capitalism and the thinking underpinning it. The scrutiny of think tank networks, the article proposes, can help bridge the gap between ideational and structural explanations.

Austerity has become a key term in economic and social policy debates. Although austerity has been contested both in terms of economic theory and policy-making, it has been remarkably resilient. This resilience has been explained, for example, in structural and institutional terms by the rise of the 'debt state'. Other explanations have emphasised the strength of austerity ideas rooted in 'ordo-liberal' economic theory. Following the insights of science technology scholarship and its emphasis on the social co-production of authoritative knowledge, this article proposes a stronger focus on organisations and their links across nation state borders for an explanation of the stability of austerity capitalism and the thinking underpinning it. The scrutiny of think tank networks, the article proposes, can help bridge the gap between ideational and structural explanations.

The European financial and economic crisis has shaken traditional beliefs and confidence in a one-directional move towards an ever closer union. Discussions regarding "Grexit" and the public vote in favor of "Brexit" have signaled strong anti-EU sentiment far beyond previous instances of dissatisfaction expressed by popular votes in France and the Netherlands opposing the European constitution, for example. Mainstream European integration scholars have started to seriously address disintegration theory; once a preserve of Marxist critiques of mainstream integration scholarship. European right-wing parties, foundations and think tanks openly advocate (partial) disintegration and, in particular, aim to interrupt centrist Social Democratic, Green, Liberal and Conservative cooperation in the European Parliament. What has been the response to these conceptual and political challenges from the pro-European political forces in European politics? In the shadow of Syriza's anti-austerity campaign from Greece and Podemos' grassroots mobilization in Spain, a range of new pro-European think tanks of different political-philosophical leanings have been founded after the crisis, or developed new activities in response to the crisis. The paper will examine the publications of organizations like European Alternatives, Project for a Democratic Europe and EuropaNova in order to observe if and how a new cross-cutting network of pro-European intellectuals, think tanks and ideas address the present crisis, and if and in which ways we can speak of new conceptual and political approaches to European integration that promise innovation and progressive (in the sense of pro-European integration) learning. Do they look beyond neoliberal restrictions to Europe's "sui generis" Union (Hayek's version of interstate federalism), something closer to real (fiscal) federalism - or something different? We will also examine if and how they differ from more centrist institutional efforts to envision the future, such as those uttered by Commission officials, MEPs of the Spinelli-Group, or experts like those assembled in the Glienicker Group. Last, but not least, we will try to establish if and to what extent new conceptual efforts reverberate in pro-European integration debating platforms like Publixphere, OneEurope or Krytyka Polityczna (Political Critique), which are considered more likely echo chambers for pro-European integration think tanks than mainstream media. ; Die europäische Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise hat traditionelle Vorstellungen bezüglich der europäischen Integration und das Vertrauen in die Entwicklung in Richtung einer immer engeren Union erschüttert. Diskussionen über den "Grexit" und das Votum für den "Brexit" haben starke anti-europäische Stimmungen erkennen lassen, die weit über bisherige Unzufriedenheit, wie sie z.B. bei Volksabstimmungen in Frankreich und den Nieder-landen gegen die europäische Verfassung zum Ausdruck kamen, hinausreichen. Der Mainstream Europäischer Integrationsforschung hat ernsthaft damit begonnen, Auflösungstheorien zu thematisieren, einst eine Domäne marxistischer Kritik an der etablierten Integrationsforschung. Rechtsgerichtete europäische Parteien, Stiftungen und Think-Tanks befürworten offen einen teilweisen Rückbau und beabsichtigen insbesondere, die Zusammenarbeit von gemäßigten Sozialdemokraten, Grünen, Liberalen und Konservativen im Europäischen Parlament zu beenden. Welche Antworten geben pro-europäische politische Kräfte in der europäischen Politik auf diese konzeptionellen und politischen Heraus-forderungen? Im Schatten der Syriza-Kampagne gegen die Sparpolitik in Griechenland und der Mobilisierung durch Podemos in Spanien wurden nach der Krise eine Reihe pro-europäischer Think-Tanks verschiedener politisch-ideologischer Ausrichtung gegründet oder haben neue Aktivitäten als Reaktion auf die Krise entwickelt. Der Beitrag untersucht die Publikationen von Organisationen wie European Alternatives, Project for a Democratic Europe und EuropaNova um festzustellen, ob und wie ein neues, übergreifendes Netzwerk pro-europäischer Intellektueller, Think-Tanks und Ideen die gegenwärtige Krise thematisiert. Dabei wird insbesondere gefragt, ob und in welcher Weise von neuen konzeptionellen und politischen Ansätzen zur europäischen Integration gesprochen werden kann, die Innovation und fortschrittliches Lernen (im Sinne von pro-europäischer Integration) ver-sprechen. Gehen Beiträge über die neoliberalen Restriktionen der Europäischen "sui generis" Union hinaus (Hayeks Variante eines zwischenstaatlichen Föderalismus), etwa in Annäherung an europäischen (fiskalischen) Föderalismus - oder etwas anderes? Zur Einordnung der Beiträge der Think-Tanks werden diese mit Aussagen zur Zukunft der EU aus Studien im Kontext der europäischen Institutionen abgeglichen, darunter Beiträge von Kommissionsbeamten, Abgeordneten der Spinelli-Gruppe zur Arbeit des Europäischen Parlamentes sowie Fachleuten und Beratern z.B. der Glienicker Gruppe. Last but not least wird versucht zu ermitteln, ob und inwieweit sich die konzeptionelle Arbeit der Think-Tanks in pro-europäischen Diskussionsplattformen wie Publixphere, OneEurope oder Krytyka Polityczna (Political Critique) niederschlägt oder spiegelt. Diese kommen stärker als etwa nationale Printmedien als mögliche Echokammern der pro-europäischen Think-Tanks in Frage, weil Autorinnen und Autoren sowie Leser und Leserinnen als generell europainteressiert gelten können.

The European financial and economic crisis has shaken traditional beliefs and confidence in a one-directional move towards an ever closer union. Discussions regarding "Grexit" and the public vote in favor of "Brexit" have signaled strong anti-EU sentiment far beyond previous instances of dissatisfaction expressed by popular votes in France and the Netherlands opposing the European constitution, for example. Mainstream European integration scholars have started to seriously address disintegration theory; once a preserve of Marxist critiques of mainstream integration scholarship. European right-wing parties, foundations and think tanks openly advocate (partial) disintegration and, in particular, aim to interrupt centrist Social Democratic, Green, Liberal and Conservative cooperation in the European Parliament. What has been the response to these conceptual and political challenges from the pro-European political forces in European politics? In the shadow of Syriza's anti-austerity campaign from Greece and Podemos' grassroots mobilization in Spain, a range of new pro-European think tanks of different political-philosophical leanings have been founded after the crisis, or developed new activities in response to the crisis. The paper will examine the publications of organizations like European Alternatives, Project for a Democratic Europe and EuropaNova in order to observe if and how a new cross-cutting network of pro-European intellectuals, think tanks and ideas address the present crisis, and if and in which ways we can speak of new conceptual and political approaches to European integration that promise innovation and progressive (in the sense of pro-European integration) learning. Do they look beyond neoliberal restrictions to Europe's "sui generis" Union (Hayek's version of interstate federalism), something closer to real (fiscal) federalism - or something different? We will also examine if and how they differ from more centrist institutional efforts to envision the future, such as those uttered by Commission officials, MEPs of the Spinelli-Group, or experts like those assembled in the Glienicker Group. Last, but not least, we will try to establish if and to what extent new conceptual efforts reverberate in pro-European integration debating platforms like Publixphere, OneEurope or Krytyka Polityczna (Political Critique), which are considered more likely echo chambers for pro-European integration think tanks than mainstream media.

Geht man der Frage nach, wo die geistigen Wurzeln der sozialen Marktwirtschaft liegen, stößt man auf die Kapitalismuskritik, die in den 1920er- und 1930er-Jahren gerade auch seitens der christlichen Konfessionen geübt wurde. In diesem Buch werden die Positionen wichtiger Protagonisten und Vordenker dieser Denkrichtung analysiert: Paul Tillich, Georg Wünsch, Karl Barth, Oswald von Nell-Breuning und Joseph Höffner. Daneben zeigt der Band exemplarisch, inwieweit die protestantische Sozialethik und die katholische Soziallehre Einfluss auf die Wirtschaftsordnung der Bundesrepublik genommen haben.