Suchergebnisse

The Candidate's Dilemma -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- List of Abbreviations -- Notes on Currency and Indonesian Terms -- Introduction -- 1. Competitive Elections and Campaign Behavior -- 2. Corruption and Leveraging Anticorruptionism -- 3. Standing His Ground -- 4. Bowing to Pressure -- 5. Experienced and Pragmatic -- 6. Campaigns, Context, and Consequences -- Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- V.

In The Candidate's Dilemma, Elisabeth Kramer tells the story of how three candidates made decisions to resist, engage in, or otherwise incorporate money politics into their electioneering strategy over the course of their campaigns.As they campaign, candidates encounter pressure from the institutional rules that guide elections, political parties, and voters, while also negotiating complex social relationships to remain competitive. For anticorruption candidates this context presents additional challenges for building and maintaining this identity. Some of these candidates establish their campaign parameters early and are able to stay their course. For others, the campaign trail will result in an avalanche of compromises, eating away at their sense of what constitutes "moral" and "acceptable" behavior. The Candidate's Dilemma delves into the lived experiences of candidates to offer a nuanced study of how the political and personal intersect when it comes to money politics, anticorruptionism, and electoral campaigning in Indonesia

This case is an example of how academics in Indonesia address certain causes, and sheds light on the interface between academia and activism. What I present here are the broad strokes of one response to a particular social issue. In exploring how this case study aligns with existing discussions about the nature of academic activism, I borrow from Hale (2008), who defines academic activists as scholars working within academic institutions who also strive to put issues on the policy agenda and encourage public debate to drive social and political change. Activist research also challenges the status quo and hopes to empower the powerless by promoting change. The work of the anti-death penalty activists in this case study align with these definitions. The academics in the alliance saw activism as an inherent part of their profession, called themselves activists, and were not troubled by the duality of being both academic and activist. Indeed, when asked to consider their fundamental motivations for becoming academics, many responded that they were originally inspired by their desire to "make a difference" or "help people." This approach challenges the conceptualizations of "academia" and "activism" as different worlds. Indeed, this seems an unhelpful binary that ignores the fluidity with which academics move between and through worlds, as well as the inherent overlap between academia and activism. For my respondents, to be an academic is to be an activist.

This article explores the impact of a widely publicized corruption scandal upon Indonesia's most prominent Islamic Party, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in 2013, involving the exchange of money in return for beef‐import licenses ("Beef‐gate"). In the 2004 and 2009 elections PKS ran a populist campaign, drawing heavily upon anti‐corruption rather than Islamic issues, and became renowned for its hard‐line stance against graft. However, while PKS's reputation certainly deteriorated due to Beef‐gate, it still performed better than anticipated in the nation's legislative election held in April 2014. This article proposes two possible reasons for this: the party's grassroots membership structure provided a solid basis from which to rebuild, and the senior leadership adeptly managed its image while the scandal was in the public eye. With this effective image management, the party was able to retain the support of many of its voters, while minimizing damage to its image more broadly.Makalah ini membahas dari satu kasus yang hangat diberitakan tahun 2013 yaitu skandal korupsi yang dihadapi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) mengenai lisensi impor daging sapi (dikenal sebagai "Beef‐gate"). Pada pemilihan umum tahun 2004 dan 2009, PKS mengambil langkah kampanye populis, dengan mengedepankan isu‐isu anti‐korupsi daripada isu‐isu Islami lainnya, dan dikenal mempunyai sikap yang sangat keras menolak korupsi. Meski reputasi PKS menurun akibat skandal impor daging sapi ini, dalam pemilihan umum bulan April 2014 PKS masih mampu meraih lebih banyak suara daripada yang diperkirakan. Makalah ini mengajukan dua alasan atas hal tersebut: struktur keanggotaan di akar rumput menyediakan dasar yang cukup kuat untuk bangkit kembali, dan pimpinan senior partai mahir menjalin citra partai di saat skandal tersebut menjadi sorotan publik. Dengan kemahiran menjalin citra partai secara efektif ini, PKS tetap mampu menahan suara dan pada saat yang sama, secara umum memperkecil dampak dari citra yang rusak itu.

In 2014, newly-elected President Joko Widodo announced that Indonesia was facing a national 'emergency' due to high levels of drug use that necessitated harsh criminal justice responses, including the ultimate punishment of death. On April 29, 2015 Indonesia executed eight prisoners condemned to death for drug-related offences, including seven foreigners, eliciting widespread international criticism. This commentary explores the strate- gies employed and obstacles faced by national anti-death penalty advocates that opposed the 2015 executions, primarily focusing on their efforts between 2015 and 2017. We begin by highlighting existing political narra- tives that make the death penalty an attractive option for the Indonesian government, before discussing key approaches employed as part of anti-death penalty efforts. It is hoped that a better understanding of existing ef- forts to promote abolition and the challenges associated with these approaches will help inform a more systematic and evidence-based approach to policy, practice, and discourse on the death penalty for drug-related offences in Indonesia.

The proliferation of provinces and districts in Indonesia since 1998 has led to an array of new local laws across the country. This study focuses on how laws made at the national level become enacted at the local level. We offer a cross-comparison of three case studies of the implementation of smoke-free area regulations, as mandated by Government Regulation No. 109/2012. We investigate this process in Aceh province and the cities of Bandung and Malang, exploring the process of law creation and the context that influences it. We find that local political dynamics shaped unique regulations and outline how these differences manifested, both in the law-making process and in its outcomes. We also reflect on the decentralised law-making system, arguing that top-down diffusion of policy is problematic, with the case studies raising concerns in terms of inconsistencies due to localised variations, as well as inefficiencies and tobacco industry influence. (JCSA/GIGA)

In this paper, we explore the interaction between unconventional and conventional political participation of electoral candidates with disability who competed in Indonesia's 2019 general elections. Interviews with electoral candidates highlight that their reasons for entering the electoral race, and strategies adopted over the course of their campaigns, were shaped by their prior involvement in the disability rights movement. This connection between activism and electoral engagement demonstrates how the disability rights movement shaped political candidates' selection and use of political participation tools. The significance of these findings has bearing for others seeking to understand the political behaviour of people with disability. In particular, it illustrates that community building based on unconventional political participation can positively influence the participation of people with disability in conventional politics despite ongoing challenges posed by accessibility, public perceptions of disability, and access to resources.

In Indonesia, the national universal health coverage scheme (Jaminan Kesehatan Nasional [JKN]) has consistently overspent against its budget since it was introduced in 2014. In 2017, a new regulation diverted 37.5% of tobacco tax revenue collected at the district and city level to the central government in order to increase government contributions to the JKN. Through a review of policy documents and interviews and focus group discussions with relevant stakeholders, this article explores the history of the JKN and its relationship to local tobacco taxes. Offering an ex-post assessment of the policy and its implementation, we find it negative on three fronts: funding for local anti-smoking initiatives and services was cut, the procedures for implementing the policy were complex and time-consuming, and it did not contribute as much as anticipated to the JKN. These findings underscore potential pitfalls of politically motivated policy that fails to consider implementation and impact. We recommend that the policy be revoked, and local tobacco tax revenue reallocated to its initial purpose, which includes promoting local smoking prevention programs and health service delivery.

The proliferation of provinces and districts in Indonesia since 1998 has led to an array of new local laws across the country. This study focuses on how laws made at the national level become enacted at the local level. We offer a cross-comparison of three case studies of the implementation of smoke-free area regulations, as mandated by Government Regulation No. 109/2012. We investigate this process in Aceh province and the cities of Bandung and Malang, exploring the process of law creation and the context that influences it. We find that local political dynamics shaped unique regulations and outline how these differences manifested, both in the law-making process and in its outcomes. We also reflect on the decentralised law-making system, arguing that top-down diffusion of policy is problematic, with the case studies raising concerns in terms of inconsistencies due to localised variations, as well as inefficiencies and tobacco industry influence.

BACKGROUND: Indonesia's stagnated progress towards tobacco control could be addressed through the implementation of a comprehensive national framework, such as the World Health Organization's (WHO) Framework Convention of Tobacco Control (FCTC). However, national tobacco industry supporters argue that accepting the FCTC will have negative economic implications for the country. These arguments have, thus far, discouraged the Indonesian government from ratifying the FCTC. Drawing from an analysis of the impact of the FCTC on other countries' smoking rates and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita, this study offers empirical evidence against industry arguments concerning the potential negative economic impacts of FCTC adoption. This study applies a two stage least square estimation strategy to unbalanced panel data at country level. In the first stage we estimate the impact of FCTC ratification on smoking rates, and in the second step, we estimate the influence of smoking activity on macroeconomic performance. RESULTS: The result of this study shows that FCTC ratification has a negative impact on a country's smoking prevalence. While FCTC ratification positively correlates with reduced smoking prevalence, a decline in smoking prevalence is not related to a decline in GDP per capita. CONCLUSIONS: The results of this study shows that FCTC ratification, which can be an important driver for more effective tobacco control, does not necessarily have a negative impact on the economy. Instead, FCTC ratification may be beneficial for both health and economic outcomes, as it provides comprehensive guidance for reducing smoking prevalence that take into account social and economic factors.