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Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Table of Contents -- Body -- A Iranische Christ·inn·en im deutschen Asylverfahren - Frage, Material und Methode der Untersuchung -- I. Beobachtungen -- II. Von der Eingangsirritation zur Fragestellung -- III. Zur Entwicklung des Forschungsdesigns -- 1. Die Analyse als mehrstufiger Kodier-Prozess -- 2. Verschränkte Datenerhebung und -auswertung -- 3. Programmatische Offenheit und Spezifizierung der Fragestellung -- IV. Zum Material -- 1. Halb-narrative Interviews -- 2. Auswahl der Interviewpartner, Rekrutierung, Feldzugänge -- 3. Aufbereitung der Interviewdaten, Forschungsethisches -- 4. Analysierte Textgenres und "Schau"-Plätze -- V. Verortung der Arbeit -- 1. Theoretischer Zugriff und Analysefokus -- 2. Von einer postmarxistischen Handlungs- zu einer poststrukturalistischen Diskurstheorie -- a) Diskurskonstitutive Außenbereiche -- b) Leere Signifikanten, Namen, Knotenpunkte -- c) Konstitutive Instabilitäten -- 3. Taufe im Asylverfahren -- 4. Forschungsstand -- B Iranischer Protestantismus - Zur Genealogie einer Religionsformation -- I. Iranische Christ·inn·en -- II. Christ-Werdung als Weg - die Elementarkategorie iranischer Konversionserzählungen -- III. Soziographische Annährungen -- IV. Bekehrungsgründe und Fluchtanlässe - erste autobiographische Annährungen -- 1. Amir - Selber entscheiden können -- 2. Darian - "Ich war nie Muslim" -- 3. Danyal - Evidenz der besseren Alternative -- 4. Shirin - Christin werden, ein neues Leben gewinnen -- 5. Milad - "Iran hat ein kulturelles Problem" -- 6. Zusammenfassung -- V. Der Weg zur Taufe und das Verständnis von Christlichem -- 1. Argumentativ-ethische Erschließung von Christlichem -- a) Kontrastierender Vergleich der Lebensdienlichkeit -- b) Kriterien für die Bewertung von Christlichem und Islamischem -- c) Sich entscheiden können -- d) Zusammenfassung.

Das geschlechtliche Selbsterleben als wesentliches Merkmal menschlicher Identität läuft oftmals der Vorstellung einer bipolaren Geschlechterordnung zuwider. Intersexualität steht quer zu dieser sozialen Geschlechterkonstruktion, die nicht nur in der christlich-theologischen Anthropologie oft als unhinterfragte Leitdifferenz vertreten wird.Ausgehend von medizinisch-biologischen sowie sozialen Aspekten von Intersex wirft Conrad Krannich grundlegende Fragen für die theologische Anthropologie und Ethik auf. Mithilfe klassisch-theologischer Denkfiguren legt er den Konstruktionscharakter der geschaffenen Wirklichkeit offen und ermöglicht so ein Verständnis für die Ambivalenz und Mehrdeutigkeit sexueller Identität. Damit ist auch der Weg zu einem angstfreien Umgang mit den Vieldeutigkeiten menschlicher Existenz eröffnet.

The impact of international student mobility on the development in countries of origin is an under-researched topic in migration studies. In a global knowledge economy, immigration countries in the Global North perceive international students almost exclusively as ideal immigrants who are (mostly) young, flexible, and highly skilled when they enter the labour market after graduation. However, international students can play an important role for their countries of origin. For instance, our own research on international students and alumni from selected countries in the Global South (Colombia, Georgia, Ghana, and Indonesia) studying in Germany and the United States shows that they transfer development-related knowhow back to their country of origin by doing diverse activities in leading positions. They do that through return migration as well as by remaining in the country of graduation (by creating transnational social networks from abroad) and through circular mobility. However, these processes need more institutional support. Therefore, international student mobility should be an integral part of global migration governance, where scholarships for students from poor countries are the key drivers for international mobility. These considerations can stimulate the broader discussion about international migration and development.

While most research on the Tamil diaspora and the conflict in Sri Lanka studies the Tamil diaspora in the United Kingdom and Canada, this article focuses on the role of organized Tamils in Germany. Based on an extensive three years of qualitative field study in Germany and Sri Lanka, and using the theoretical framework of Bercovitch's (2007) conflict cycle, I analyzed the engagement of the Tamil diaspora in Sri Lanka in three phases of the conflict: conflict emergence before the war (until 1983), conflict escalation and the war (1983–2009), and post-conflict reconstruction after the war (from 2009). In each of these phases, they took different positions toward the conflict. Before the war, German Tamil organizations were reluctant to get involved in the conflict. During the war, some Tamil diaspora organizations in Germany were involved in the war to a minor degree by their active membership and political participation in larger umbrella organizations initiated by the Tamil militant organization called Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The larger part of the diaspora focused on self-initiated and independent social development projects in Sri Lanka. After the LTTE lost the war, the second generation of Tamils took over leadership positions in the diaspora in Germany and focused on new social and health projects in Sri Lanka.

This paper illustrates institutional approaches of emigrant states toward emigrants abroad, and how these approaches can change over time. These can range from absolute exclusion and non-communication, over fractional collaboration in specific matters, to even permanent institutional inclusion, for instance, through representation of migrants in home parliaments or governments. The approach for institutional incorporation can not only take place on the national, but also on the subnational level. This is the case in Mexico, a federal state in which many member states conduct their own emigrant policy, partially in accord with federal efforts, and partially independently or contrary to the national attempt to address the emigrant community abroad. To highlight these different approaches, I would like to take a look at the Southern Mexican states of Oaxaca and Chiapas. Although these states show similar political and social structures, and hold relatively large emigrant populations in the United States of America, the institutional approaches toward their emigrants changed in two different ways: while the institutional opening in Oaxaca goes back to various initiatives by the Oaxacan migrant community in the United States of America, the policy change in Chiapas toward more inclusion of the emigrant community was actively promoted by the government of Chiapas. ; U radu se daje prikaz načina na koji institucije iseljeničkih država pristupaju iseljenicima u inozemstvu kao i prikaz promjena ovih načina tijekom vremena. Različiti su načini pristupa iseljenicima u inozemstvu i to u rasponu od njihove potpune isključenosti i izostanka komunikacije, preko djelomične suradnje u određenim stvarima sve do trajne institucionalne uključenosti, npr. preko zastupanja migranata u domaćim parlamentima ili vladama. Institucionalnouključivanje ne odvija se samo na nacionalnoj nego i na subnacionalnoj razini. U Meksiku, kao federalnoj državi, mnoge savezne države vode svoje iseljeničke politike djelomice u skladu s naporima koji se ulažu na federalnoj razini a djelomice neovisno ili u suprotnosti s nacionalnim nastojanjima uključivanja iseljeničke zajednice u inozemstvu. Cilj je rada objasniti različite načine pristupa iseljenicima na primjerima južnih meksičkih država Oaxace i Chiapasa. Iakoove savezne države imaju sličnu političku i socijalnu strukturu i relativno veliku iseljeničku populaciju u SAD-u, načini su institucionalnog pristupa iseljenicima dvojaki: dok se institucionalna otvorenost u Oaxaci svodi na različite inicijative iseljeničke zajednice Oaxaca u SAD-u, vlada u Chiapasu s druge strane aktivno promovira promjenu politike u Chiapasu s ciljem bolje uključenosti iseljeničke zajednice.

Die Verfasserin legt Auszüge aus einer empirischen Studie vor, die repräsentative Daten zur Frauenpolitik in Europa präsentiert. Gefragt wurde danach, was Frauen und Männer in Sachen Geschlechtergerechtigkeit in der Gesellschaft und Familie für besonders wichtig halten, welche Erfahrungen sie bisher mit Diskriminierung gemacht haben und welche Quoten sie zur Steigerung des Frauenanteils unter den Europa-Abgeordneten befürwortet werden. Gefragt wurde auch nach einem Gefühl der unfairen Behandlung am Arbeitsplatz oder zu Hause, das mit dem Frau-Sein der Befragten in Zusammenhang steht. (ICE2)