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World Affairs Online
The case for an eco-emancipatory politics to release the Earth from human domination and free us all from lives that are both exploitative and exploitedHuman domination of nature shapes every aspect of our lives today, even as it remains virtually invisible to us. Because human beings are a part of nature, the human domination of nature circles back to confine and exploit people as well—and not only the poor and marginalized but also the privileged and affluent, even in the world's most prosperous societies. Although modern democracy establishes constraints intended to protect people from domination as the arbitrary exercise of power, it offers few such protections for nonhuman parts of nature. The result is that, wherever we fall in human hierarchies, we inevitably find ourselves both complicit in and entrapped by a system that makes sustainable living all but impossible. It confines and exploits not only nature but people too, albeit in different ways. In Eco-Emancipation, Sharon Krause argues that we can find our way to a better, freer life by constraining the use of human power in relation to nature and promoting nature's well-being alongside our own, thereby releasing the Earth from human domination and freeing us from a way of life that is both exploitative and exploited, complicit and entrapped. Eco-emancipation calls for new, more-than-human political communities that incorporate nonhuman parts of nature through institutions of representation and regimes of rights, combining these new institutional arrangements with political activism, a public ethos of respect for nature, and a culture of eco-responsibility
This volume explores the nature of human agency, including both its vitality and its vulnerabilities. The book identifies emancipatory sources of agency under conditions of domination and oppression, and it suggests a new, pluralist way to understand political freedom. Non-sovereign freedom should be conceived in a plural way because it takes diverse forms, happens in many different places, and aims at a variety of ends. The book reconstructs liberal individualism in fundamental ways. It offers new categories for conceiving human action, personal responsibility, and the meaning of liberty.
In this book Sharon Krause argues that moral and political deliberation must incorporate passions, even as she insists on the value of impartiality. Her work provides a systematic account of how passions can generate an impartial standpoint that yields binding and compelling conclusions in politics
In this book Sharon Krause argues that moral and political deliberation must incorporate passions, even as she insists on the value of impartiality. Her work provides a systematic account of how passions can generate an impartial standpoint that yields binding and compelling conclusions in politics.
Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Preface -- 1. Liberal Inspirations -- Political Agency and the Need for Inspiration -- Excavating Honor -- 2. Honor and the Defense of Liberty in the Old Regime -- The Place of Honor in the Old Regime -- Honor's High Ambitions -- Reverence and Reflexivity -- The Partiality of Honor -- Recognition and Resistance -- 3. Honor and Democracy in America -- The Conflict between Honor and Democracy -- Honor and Self-Interest Well Understood -- "A Little of Their Greatness" -- 4. The Love of Fame and the Southern Gentleman -- Honor and the Love of Fame at the Founding -- Slavery and the Southern Gentleman -- 5. Honor and Democratic Reform -- Lincoln's Principled Ambition -- Frederick Douglass: The Soul of Honor -- Honor and Self-Sovereignty: Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony -- Honor in the Civil Rights Movement -- 6. Conclusion: Pluralism, Agency, and Varieties of Democratic Honor -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.
In: History of European ideas, S. 1-3
ISSN: 0191-6599
In: Political theory: an international journal of political philosophy, Band 48, Heft 4, S. 443-468
ISSN: 1552-7476
In their vulnerability to arbitrary, exploitative uses of human power, many of Earth's nonhuman parts are subject to environmental domination. People too are subject to environmental domination in ways that include but also extend beyond the special environmental burdens borne by those who are poor and marginalized. Despite the substantial inequalities that exist among us as human beings, we are all captured and exploited by the eco-damaging collective practices that constitute modern life for everyone today. Understanding the complex, interacting dynamics of environmental domination can orient us to a more liberatory approach to our environmental problems and to one another, both human and nonhuman. To make good on this potential, however, we need to move beyond existing conceptions of domination. This essay reconstructs the concept of domination to illuminate the multiple ways that the human domination of nature interacts with the domination of people, and it identifies changes that could support more emancipatory forms of political order, a politics of non-domination for people and the Earth.
In: Political theory: an international journal of political philosophy, S. 009059171665151
ISSN: 1552-7476
In: Politics & gender, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 205-207
ISSN: 1743-9248
In: Politics & gender, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 238-245
ISSN: 1743-9248
In: Passions and Emotions, S. 226-240
In: Ethics & international affairs, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 475-477
ISSN: 1747-7093
In: Political theory: an international journal of political philosophy, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 299-324
ISSN: 1552-7476
A better appreciation of the material, distributed quality of human agency can illuminate subtle dynamics of domination and oppression and reveal resources for potentially liberatory political action. Materialist accounts of agency nevertheless pose challenges to the notion of personal responsibility that is so crucial to political obligation and democratic citizenship. To guard against this danger, we need to sustain the close connection between agency and a sense of selfhood that is individuated, reflexive, and responsive to norms. Yet we should acknowledge that reflexive selfhood is not the whole of individual agency for the sources of agency extend beyond the individual herself. We also need to recognize the ways that both reflexivity and norm-responsiveness are themselves embodied capacities. When properly conceived, a materialist view of agency can increase awareness of our often-unwitting contributions to systematic inequalities of power and extend our political responsibilities in emancipatory directions, thus holding great promise for democratic life.