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Describes experiences of: CIAT, Oxfam with Workshops, Networks ; Context: Vulnerability of farmers equals vulnerability of supply chain. Inclusive management involves those that contribute to growing, selling and changing strategies. Crop modelling under different climate conditions requires knowledge of who's growing, selling and involved in the supply chain. It also requires an analysis of who the beneficiaries of the value chain are and who will be adversely affected by changes in climate and in practice in order to identify appropriate adaptation strategies. Gender analysis is critical. Interface: Researchers and stakeholders such as farmers, extensionists, local governments, and ministers are brought together in workshops to discuss history, crop types and harvesting methods and climate change perceptions. Strategies such as visual questionnaires, maps, and models of 20-year crop/climate projections are used to engage and discuss how resources change over time. Learning: Knowledge and networks from collaborative teams are leveraged in order to mobilize practical tools, systems and practices that build adaptive capacity among the poor and among women. Young people understand much faster about climate change. Youth and women are more engaged in participatory workshops. Interactive approaches feed information back into more relevant crop/climate models. Channel: Working with intermediaries such as Oxfam has contributed to ways of integrating gender-sensitive methods into the research process. The collaboration has provided Oxfam with CIAT's relevant crop/climate expertise and information, and providing an avenue for research to be disseminated more broadly. Engaging with global food companies has typically included Corporate Social Responsibility departments. There is a recognized need that corporate buyers need to be brought into the collaborations in order to mainstream sustainable supply chains more broadly. A gender expert within CIAT is facilitating learning about the need for differentiated gender components in research. Agronomists are paying attention and using this resource now that the need has been identified within the institution. Outcome: Learning that women play a significant role in the supply chain but do not get shares of revenue leads to new research questions about what varieties and practices contribute to more visible and greater involvement. Oxfam included post-harvest facilities in the supply chain, formalizing women's involvement in the supply chain and ability to generate income. Funding is viewed as a primary barrier to longer term learning cycles and for building continuous partnerships and trust over time. CIAT is working collaboratively with supply chain stakeholders and making links with large development NGOs, to use one part (approx. 8%) of their funding for relevant scientific research that applies to local development projects. Where possible, it is expected that sampling design and the innovative methodologies developed can then be rolled out across extensive NGO networks, including Oxfam and Catholic Relief Services.

Carbon market projects have focused on reducing greenhouse gas emissions, often at the expense of achieving sustainable development goals. A central pillar in sustainable development is equity, yet most projects pay little attention to equity implications for underrepresented farmers, especially women. Agricultural carbon market projects that explicitly seek to promote sustainable agricultural land management practices are quickly gaining attention worldwide for their promise to deliver the 'triple-win': adaptation, food security, and mitigation. Previous experience with other payment for ecosystem services projects indicate that women often are marginalized and their needs ignored. To address this gap, this case study examined the Kenya Agricultural Carbon Project with a focus on gender equity in access, decision making, and outcomes. Results show that women had less access to joining the project than men, because they did not have the same level of influence in decision making at a household level. At the project level, both men and women had little influence in establishing project requirements and potential benefits, as these were decided upon prior to farmer recruitment. Regarding outcomes, women tended to participate in more project activities, and would in return reap more nonmonetary benefits than men. However, the costs involved in achieving these benefits was nontrivial: women's farm labor time increased significantly due to the substantial time and effort required to implement sustainable agricultural land management practices. If agricultural soil carbon market projects are to achieve better outcomes by addressing equity issues, they need to pay special attention to gender and the differing needs of farmers—male, female, young, old, poor, and less poor—by involving them at the project design stage. Our findings show the importance of additional project benefits unrelated to carbon income for addressing the requirements of equity perceived by both the implementing agency and women themselves.

AbstractCombining qualitative–quantitative approaches, we examined the reasons behind household movements into and out of poverty across Kenya, and how they differ by livelihood zones. Among the 4773 households studied, 42 per cent were poor 15 years ago and 50 per cent are poor at the present time. Over the same period, 12 per cent of the households escaped poverty, while another 20 per cent fell into poverty. While some national trends were evident – such as the role of health problems in driving people into poverty and the importance of off‐farm income in getting them out – many reasons differ across livelihood zones, thus this paper provides an example of how regionally differentiated anti‐poverty policies can be investigated and designed. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

ABSTRACTUnderstanding and alleviating poverty in Africa continues to receive considerable attention from a range of diverse actors, including politicians, international celebrities, academics, activists and practitioners. Despite the onslaught of interest, there is surprisingly little agreement on what constitutes poverty in rural Africa, how it should be assessed, and what should be done to alleviate it. Based on data from an interdisciplinary study of pastoralism in northern Kenya, this article examines issues of poverty among one of the continent's most vulnerable groups, pastoralists, and challenges the application of such orthodox proxies as incomes/expenditures, geographic remoteness, and market integration. It argues that current poverty debates 'homogenize' the concept of 'pastoralist' by failing to acknowledge the diverse livelihoods and wealth differentiation that fall under the term. The article concludes that what is not needed is another development label (stereotype) that equates pastoralism with poverty, thereby empowering outside interests to transform rather than strengthen pastoral livelihoods.

AbstractAfrican farmers diversify their livelihood strategies through on‐farm and off‐farm activities. We cluster households according to similar livelihood diversification strategies and explore the implications for income levels and sustainable soil management practices. Five main livelihood diversification strategies were being pursued. Households with off‐farm income, and those pursuing higher return agricultural activities earned more than twice as much as the lowest income groups, which were the least diversified. They also were more likely to implement soil conservation measures. Policies aimed at improving household well‐being need to take into account a wide range of household asset endowments and livelihood strategies being pursued. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.