Suchergebnisse

This article analyzes data from the Annual Housing Survey on the black and Spanish-origin populations in a sample of U.S. standard metropolitan statistical areas to determine whether these minorities pay more than Anglos for comparable housing. These data demonstrate that both the black and Spanish-origin populations as a whole pay more than Anglos for the same quality housing in the rental market while no group pays significantly more than Anglos in the owners' market. Separate analyses of Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and Mexican Americans highlight some differences among the minority groups. Most important is the finding that Cubans are equally or less likely than Anglos to obtain low-quality housing at most levels of rent.

AbstractObjectiveLimited research investigates the relationship between levels of immigration, a source of societal integration and regulation, and U.S. suicide rates. We examine the aggregate immigration–suicide link during the 2008–2010 period, in light of the 30‐year high in suicide rates and concern about deleterious effects of immigration on the well‐being of American society.MethodsWe use data on 250 U.S. metropolitan areas and ordinary least squares regression to examine the association between immigration and suicide for 2008–2010.ResultsNet of controls, recent immigration, is linked to lower suicide levels for the native‐born population but has no association with foreign‐born suicide rates. High levels of immigration are most protective for native‐born suicide under favorable economic conditions.ConclusionsImmigration is not a threat to societal health in terms of higher suicide rates. Future research should consider the mechanisms through which beneficial effects of immigration on suicide rates operate.

How can we understand the dramatic linkages among race, ethnicity, place, and violence in the United States? One contention is that differences in violence across communities of varying race-ethnic compositions are rooted in highly differentiated social and economic circumstances of the segregated neighborhoods inhabited by whites, African Americans, Latinos, and other groups. Here, the authors draw upon and expand this perspective by exploring how inequality in the character of internal and nearby neighborhood conditions leads to patterned racial and ethnic differences in violence across areas. Using data from the National Neighborhood Crime Study to examine the racial-spatial dynamic of violence for neighborhoods in thirty-six U.S. cities, the authors demonstrate that along with the social and economic conditions that exist within neighborhoods, proximity to more disadvantaged and especially racially privileged (heavily white) areas is particularly critical in accounting for the large and visible differences in violence found across neighborhoods of different colors.

An introduction to this issue on race, crime and justice. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

How can we understand the dramatic linkages among race, ethnicity, place, and violence in the United States? One contention is that differences in violence across communities of varying race-ethnic compositions are rooted in highly differentiated social and economic circumstances of the segregated neighborhoods inhabited by whites, African Americans, Latinos, and other groups. Here, the authors draw upon and expand this perspective by exploring how inequality in the character of internal and nearby neighborhood conditions leads to patterned racial and ethnic differences in violence across areas. Using data from the National Neighborhood Crime Study to examine the racial-spatial dynamic of violence for neighborhoods in thirty-six U.S. cities, the authors demonstrate that along with the social and economic conditions that exist within neighborhoods, proximity to more disadvantaged and especially racially privileged (heavily white) areas is particularly critical in accounting for the large and visible differences in violence found across neighborhoods of different colors. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

In 1995, Sampson & Wilson assessed the state of knowledge on race and violence and set forth an approach for future research. We review macrostructural analyses of race, ethnicity, and violent crime since 1995 to evaluate progress in explaining inequality in criminal violence across racial and ethnic groups. Among the important advances are studies that attempt to gain insights from explicit comparisons of racially distinct but structurally similar communities, expansion of work beyond the black-white divide, and incorporation of macrostructural factors into multilevel models of racial/ethnic differences in violence. Yet, progress is limited in all these directions, and additional questions remain. Thus, we offer a perspective and suggestions for future research that will expand knowledge on this important topic.

A revised version of SA 35:3/87S19666/1987/ASA/4383.

Recently Collxer and Semyonov attempted to link more closely diachronic theory and research by decomposing change scores into four components. They applied their measures to 1960-1970 socioeconomic status change among Long Island suburbs. The present article applies these and other alternative measures to suburban income change between 1970 and 1975 in the suburbs of all the largest U.S. urbanized areas for which data were available and tests propositions about the relationship between the components of change and their determinants. Although Collver and Semyonov's measures are useful for describing the conceptually distinct dimensions of change, in some instances alternative indices may be preferable. Hypotheses specific to certain change components find considerable support.

Stark ethno-racial differences in reported neighborhood crime are a major facet of contemporary U.S. inequality. However, the most generalizable research on neighborhood inequality in crime across cities is only for 2000. Many of the underpinnings of crime have changed since 2000—increases in socioeconomic segregation, the Great Recession and attendant housing crisis, the continuation of the crime decline, shifting trends in incarceration and other types of social control, and small decreases in racial residential segregation. We provide a much-needed assessment of whether ethno-racial reported neighborhood crime disparities have increased, remained stable, or decreased in the contemporary period. We invoke a racial structural perspective that traces ethno-racial disparities in neighborhood crime to the divergent community conditions emblematic of the U.S. racial hierarchy. Using newly collected data for 8,557 neighborhoods in 71 large U.S. cities for 2010–2013, we demonstrate that violent and property crime is lower in White, African American, Latino, minority, and multiethnic neighborhoods than in 2000. However, smaller relative decreases in African American neighborhoods widened the relative crime gap from other ethno-racial communities. Supporting the racial structural perspective, large ethno-racial inequalities in neighborhood well-being account for most of the crime gaps, with disadvantage and residential lending being most important. This suggests that non-White neighborhoods need economic investments to reduce the harmful and inequitable consequences of neighborhood crime.

This paper examines the relationship between race and violent crime by directly modeling the racial gap in homicide offending for large central cities for 1990. We evaluate the role of black‐white differences in aspects of both disadvantage and resources in explaining which places have wider racial disparities in lethal violence. The results show that where residential segregation is higher, and where whites' levels of homeownership, median income, college graduation, and professional workers exceed those for blacks to a greater degree, African Americans have much higher levels of homicide offending than whites. Based on these results, we conclude that the racial homicide gap is better explained by the greater resources that exist among whites than by the higher levels of disadvantage among blacks.