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The topic of Mount Athos and political thought in the Slavic world can be approached in two ways. On the one side, it is by perceiving the role, importance and influence that Mount Athos had, as a monastic centre, on the development of political thought in the Christian Slavic states, i.e. among the Christianised Slavic peoples. On the other, it would be important to answer the question placed in a reverse perspective: what place was given to Mount Athos in the political thought that developed in the Slavic states, i.e. among the Slavic peoples? On this occasion I would like to comment on two aspects of the said issue: the first is about the specifics of the so-called Russian, Bulgarian and Serbian models, which can be traced from the very foundation of the Slavic monasteries. The second aspect is connected with the territorial inclusion of Mount Athos into the borders of the Slavic states and its adjustment to the "domestic" political and ideological concept (the example of Bulgarian and Serbian rule over Athos). ; Proceedings of the 22nd International Congress of Byzantine Studies/ Second plenary session: The Mont Athos and Mont Sinai

The Taktikon Escorialense, a list of functions compiled in the time of John I Tzimiskes, is an important source for studying the reform of the military organisation and state apparatus of Byzantium during the 10th century. Records of this reform, however, can also be found in other, literary and sigillographic sources, so its beginnings, principal stages and characteristics, and how the organisation of the provinces evolved in the 11th century, were reconstructed independently from the TE by Ahrweiler. Like many other sources of this kind, the TE has particular characteristics that lead one to ask in what measure this list of functions really reflected the transformation of the state apparatus in the 10th century. The conclusion may be drawn that this taktikon was an unfinished list of Byzantine functions and honorary titles, and, as indicated by data from other sources (first of all, sigillographic ones), it testifies only to a temporary phase in the reform carried out in Byzantium in the course of the 10th century. There are certain illogical elements in the TE, in the sequence of mentioning the functionaries; some data about the creation of new appointments mentioned in other sources, were omitted from this list of functions, etc. Despite the said shortcomings, though, the TE makes it possible to pose fresh questions, and reactivates some earlier ones connected with the problem of the transformation of the Byzantine central and provincial system, especially in the domain of the Empire's military organisation.

The paper discusses examples of corporal mutilation that accompanied intra-dynastic conflicts or clashes with real or potential pretenders to the imperial throne. Castration was a known but rarely applied measure in the political conflicts of the 7th and 8th century. Hence the two consecutive cases of castration of all sons of the deposed emperor Michael I Rhangabe (813) and the assassinated emperor Leo V the Armenian (820) deviated from the previous Byzantine practice. The paper establishes that in these cases the choice of castration as the most effective means of ensuring the future political disqualification of the princes and their families was a result of the strengthening dynastic principle, which was particularly noticeable in the cases of the descendents of Constantine V from his third marriage. It also highlights that castration was never used on the deposed emperor autokratōr, but only on the bearers of imperial dignities (co-emperors) or simply princes with no imperial title. In examples where castration was used to ensure political disqualification, it was not a sanction for an individual wrongdoing (in other words, castration was not a penalty prescribed for a specific transgression); if these cases were a matter of punishment at all, the penalty was meant to sanction the entire bloodline (γένος) rather than the (innocent) individual. Castration was a milder form of punishment compared to other forms of physical mutilation (severing of the nose, tongue or ears; blinding). Due to the ambivalent attitude of the Byzantine society towards eunuchs, castration did not necessarily lead to social marginalization. Hence, it was applied more frequently during the reign of the Macedonian dynasty, but prominent castrates were incorporated into the official hierarchy as members of an order of eunuchs (τάξεις τῶν εὐνούχων). ; У раду се разматрају примери телесног сакаћења који су пратили обрачуне унутар династија или обрачуне са претендентима – потенцијалним или стварним – на царску власт. Уочљиво је да је кастрација била позната али ретко примењивана мера у политичким превирањима током 7. и 8. века. Зато је одлука о кастрирању свих синова свргнутог цара Михаила I Рангабеа (813), а затим и синова Лава V Јерменина (820) одударала од дотадашње уобичајене византијске праксе. Установљено је да је у наведеним случајевима избор кастрације као најефикаснијег средства за будућу политичку дисквалификацију принчева и њихових породица био последица јачања династичког принципа у византијском друшту, што је било врло изражено у случају потомака Константина V из трећег брака. Истакнуто је, такође, да се кастрацији никад не подвргава свргнути цар автократор, већ носиоци царске титуле (цареви савладари) или, једноставно, принчеви без царског звања. Нотирано је да се у примерима примене кастрације у циљу политичке дисквалификације није радило о санкцији за индивидуалну кривицу (дакле, није реч била о казни која је пратила конкретан преступ); ако се у тим случајевима говори о казни, она је била намењена породици, тј. роду (γένος) а не (невином) појединцу. У односу на друге начине телесног сакаћења (сечење носа, језика, ушију, ослепљење) кастрација је спадала у блажи вид санкција. Због амбивалентног односа византијског друштва према евнусима, кастрација није водила обавезној друштвеној маргинализацији жртве. Зато је у време владавине Македонске династије чешће примењивана, али су угледни кастрирани појединци укључивани у службену хијерархију, у евнушки ред (τάξεις τῶν εὐνούχων).

In der vorliegenden Arbeit wurden Charakteristika der sogenannten zusammengesetzten militärisch-zivilen Bezirke behandelt, die aus zwei oder drei Untereinheiten bestanden. Diese Untereinheiten der zusammengesetzten Bezirke hatten in der Regel feste zivile und militärische Verwaltungsstrukturen, d.h. sie hatten eine gewisse Unabhängigkeit. Ein zusammengesetzter Bezirk konnte in den Quellen als ein 'thema' (im Singular) bezeichnet werden oder auch im Plural als 'themata'. An seiner Spitze befand sich ein Dux/katepano oder gelegentlich auch ein Stratege. Der zivilen Verwaltung stand ein Richter/Prätor vor, welcher häufig das Amt eines anagrapheus innehatte. Weiterhin wurde der zusammengesetzte Bezirk Voleron-Strymon-Thessalonike naher untersucht sowie die Probleme, die mit dem Status seiner Unterheiten, insbesondere mit Voleron, zusammenhängen. Es ist möglich, dass aus denjenigen Gebieten des Balkans, die nach dem Jahr 1018 unter byzantinische Herrschaft gefallen waren, ein zusammengesetzter Bezirk gebildet wurde. Die Rede ist von dem Thema Bulgaria-Sirmium-Paradounavon. Es wird vermutet, dass die demographischen Umstände sowie die ethnische Zusammensetzung der Bevölkerung der Region Einfluss auf die Charakteristika des zusammengesetzten Bezirks hatten. Die zivile Verwaltungsstruktur war hier nicht derart beständig wie in den anderen Gebieten des Balkans, die bereits vor dem Krieg von 976-1018 unter byzantinischer Herrschaft standen. Sirmium und Paradounavon scheinen im zivilen Bereich der Verwaltung von Amtsträgern aus Bulgarien geleitet worden zu sein, wahrend die militärische Führung anscheinend unabhängig von Bulgarien war.

У раду се анализирају околности у којима су деловали носиоци дужности лого- тета дрома током првог века постојања те функције. Констатује се да је у 8. веку лого- тет дрома регрутован превасходно из војничког окружења, те да је могао располагати и војним овлашћењима. У то доба систем централне команде није био дефинисан пре- ко одређене функције, што је свакако утицало на компетенције водећих византијских званичника какав је био логотет дрома. Кључне речи: логотет дрома, војна овлашћења, централна команда, војска у походу ; The paper analyses the circumstances in which the incumbents of the office of the logothetes tou dromou operated in the first century of this post's existence. It concludes that in the 8th century the logothetes tou dromou was usually recruited from military ranks and that he could also wield military authority. At this time the system of central command was not yet defined through specific functions, which certainly influenced the competences of leading Byzantine officials such as the logothetes tou dromou.

In this paper, seals found at the location of the Ras fortress (Tvrđava Ras) have been published. Inscriptions on these seals show that they used to belong to persons which could be identified with certain military commanders who served under Alexios I Komnenos. The seals in question are: the seals of protonobelissimos Eustathios Kamytzes, Constantine Dalassenos Doukas, protoproedros and doux Constantine Kekaumenos and a certain person called Alexios.

The first part of this paper analyzes a text by Theophylact of Ohrid known as In Defense of Eunuchs. In terms of its genre and topic, this work stands alone in Byzantine literature. Through a dialogue between the two interlocutors - a monk and a eunuch, Theophylact challenges the traditional representation of eunuchs. He particularly focuses on the condemnation of castration in Ecclesiastical Canons and secular legislation (of the late Roman Empire and Byzantium). Theophylact highlights the ambivalence of the views on eunuchs in Byzantine society, demonstrating that castration as such did not necessarily lead to the marginalization of the castrated individual. The most important part of Theophylact's Defense offers a comparison between "the bearded" and eunuchs in monastic orders. Also, the affirmation of freedom of choice between good and evil and insisting that an individual should be judged according to his own deeds is the guiding idea of Theophylact's Defense. The second part of the paper contains a Serbian translation of Theophylact's text with a commentary. Besides the French translation by the editor of the critical edition P. Gautier, this is the second complete translation of the Greek original. It deviates from Gautier's version in several places, offering alternative readings of ambiguous places.