Suchergebnisse

Die Bildung der ersten Mehrheitsregierung (nach 1989) durch die konservative Partei "Recht und Gerechtigkeit" im Jahr 2015 wird weitläufig als Wendepunkt in der Geschichte des öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks in Polen angesehen. Zum ersten Mal seit 1989 hat eine politische Gruppe die volle Kontrolle über die öffentlich-rechtlichen Medien. Seit dieser Zeit wird die regierende Partei der völligen Besitznahme der öffentlichen Medien beschuldigt. Repräsentanten von "Recht und Gerechtigkeit" bezeichnen dagegen ihre eigenen Handlungen eher als "Teil des Geschäfts". In diesem Essay werden die wichtigsten Ereignisse im Zeitraum zwischen 2015 und 2019 im Kontext der Geschichte des öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks analysiert. Zusätzlich wird hier ein breiterer politischer und sozialer Kontext berücksichtigt. Mit besonderem Augenmerk auf gesellschaftliche Prozesse soll die politische und (nicht zuletzt) mediale Polarisierung betrachtet werden. Dies wird anhand von Beispielen von Ereignissen deutlich, die den aktuellen Stand der Polarisierung des polnischen Mediensystems und die hohe Politisierung des öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks veranschaulichen. ; The establishment by the conservative Law and Justice party of the first post-1989 majority government in 2015 is usually seen as the turning-point in the history of public service broadcasting in Poland. For the first time after 1989, one political group took full control of the public service media. Since then, critics of the current Polish government have accused the ruling party of a full and unprecedented capture of the public media. However, representatives of the Law and Justice party see their own actions simply as "part of the game". I analyze in this essay all the most important events from the 2015 – 2019 period in the context of the history of public service broadcasting in Poland. I also take into account the wider political and social context, and focus in particular on the processes of societal, political and (not least) media polarization. To do so, I deal with examples of events that illustrate the current state of polarization of the Polish media system and the high level of politicization of public s ervice broadcasting.

The main purpose of the article is to present the role and importance of Polish fact-checking initiatives in context of their educational dimension. The central question that the authors will try to answer is: To what extent and in which way do the Polish fact-checking initiatives provide education as part of their activities? To answer this question, the authors implemented a two-step research design – starting from desk research concerning the development of Polish fact-checking scene and its social, political, economic and cultural background. The second step included in-depth, semi-structured interviews with five representatives of different types of Polish fact-checking initia-tives. Considering a limited number of fact-checking organizations in Poland, the authors can assume a certain level of generalizability of the results of such qualitative research. The study shows that stud-ied initiatives are occasionally active in the field of media and information literacy, and only some of them (i.e. mostly those related to civil society groups) treat their educational activities as a priority.

Six years after the so-called 'refugee crisis' in 2015, the European Union remains divided on questions of migration and asylum policy. The issue also remains high on the agendas of the USA and Russia, two other key destination countries with immigration from Latin America and the Post-Soviet space. This article presents results from a comparative study of news coverage in 17 countries, focusing on 10 EU member states in Western and Central Eastern Europe (CEE), the USA and Russia. The intensity of coverage was remarkably different, with Hungary's and Germany's media standing out while Russian media displayed relatively low levels of coverage. Individual migrants and refugees were most visible in the two outlets from the USA. Media in CEE countries tended towards a more critical approach than media in Western Europe. However, differences between most countries' pairs of analyzed media outlets indicate a more pluralistic debate than frequently assumed.