Chapter 1-Introduction of the Study -- Chapter 2-Tourism Industry in India and Himachal Pradesh -- Chapter 3-Research Framework -- Chapter 4-Rural Tourism: A strategic approach for solving socio-economic challenges -- Chapter 5-Rural Tourism Development: A Perception of Tourism Industry Experts -- Chapter 6-Perception of Tourist on the Rural Tourism Development in Himachal Pradesh: the state of Indian Himalayan Region -- Chapter 7-Understanding the Perception of other stakeholders on the Development of Rural Tourism in Himachal Pradesh -- Chapter 8-Integrating the Industry Perspective on the Development of Rural Tourism in Himachal Pradesh -- Chapter 9-Major challenges in response to vulnerability of Himalayas to global climate change -- Chapter 10-Conclusion.
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Regional organizations (ROs), a key component of the global order, have become a significant tool for achieving foreign policy objectives of the member countries. Amidst the prevailing politico-strategic environment, a speckled range of national interests of the regional states and non-regional states has motivated or compelled the states to create, collaborate and participate in the functioning of ROs. India is associated with those ROs that possess objectives convenient in pursuit of its national interests and also identical to its foreign policy targets. In this context, this article argues that India's policy towards ROs is shaped by the Cold War and post-Cold War developments along with the emerging strategic and security environment in the twenty-first century. These developments have created a divergence or convergence of India's preferences and beliefs with other countries and have determined its participation in the ROs. It is participating actively in the functioning of ROs in pursuit of its national interests in diverse arenas. The ROs, especially South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and even European Union (EU) and Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) are the key instruments for India to achieve the objectives of respective Neighbourhood First Policy (NFP), Look East Policy (LEP), Act East Policy (AEP), Look North Policy (LNP), Connect Central Asia Policy (CCAP) and Indo-Pacific Vision (IPV) frameworks of its foreign policy towards South Asia, Southeast Asia, Central Asia, Indo-Pacific and the globe. Apart from economic, strategic and security cooperation in the regional context, the ROs can help India in bolstering its image and status as a key power in global affairs.
In the light of the Chinese and Indian perspectives on the cessation of theDoklam impasse, the present article analyses China's role and status ininternational politics. The Chinese perspective described China as a statusquo power and never accepted Doklam as a disputed territory. Whileaccusing India of aggression on Chinese territory, it portrayed China as a"responsible power" that ensured the cessation of the Doklam impasse withIndia through multiple diplomatic and military measures. Opposite to this,the Indian perspective viewed China as a revisionist power and termed thePLA's activities in Doklam as a source of consternation for its nationalsecurity. From the Indian perspective, China's declining growth rate,increasing internal conflicts, the potential threat to its peaceful image, itsapprehension regarding the BRI's derailment, the Korean crisis, thestrategically advantageous position of the Indian military in Doklam andNew Delhi's strategic relevance for Beijing in promoting its new economicand political groupings forced China to resolve the standoff peacefully.
This article contends that India's efforts for the reinvigoration of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) are the result of an amalgam of its Act East and Neighbourhood First policies' objectives. Since 2014, India has been trying to rejuvenate the BIMSTEC to exploit the untapped trade opportunities, promote energy and food security and also boost the development of its North Eastern region by enhancing infrastructural connectivity with South East Asian countries and promoting greater economic integration in the Bay of Bengal region. Its strategic interests and security concerns, especially to build the pressure on Pakistan, counter China's forays into its strategic backyard and ensure the security of the North Eastern region, have also resurged India's interests in the revival of BIMSTEC. Like South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), there are some hurdles in the way of BIMSTEC, for instance its image of an India-dominated bloc, India's bilateral differences with other BIMSTEC countries from South Asia, especially with Bangladesh and Nepal, and bilateral disputes between other member countries, particularly Bangladesh and Myanmar and Thailand and Myanmar.
This article contends that China, as a part of its broader global agenda, is striving to recast the regional order in East Asia, South East Asia, and South Asia. Its revisionist moves and growing influence in South Asia are perceived by New Delhi as challenge to its national security and regional position thus forcing it to counter the Chinese moves and preserve the status quo ensuing into bilateral rivalry. Doklam standoff was an outcome of this bilateral rivalry between the two emerging Asian powers as Beijing attempted unilaterally to alter the prevailing territorial arrangement in the area of dispute and New Delhi counter-attempted to maintain the status quo. During the standoff, China projected itself as 'victim' of India's aggression while making provocative military deployments and threats of war against India. Opposite to this, India absorbed Beijing's pressure and defended its move in Doklam giving the logic of its 'security concerns' and 'special relationship' with Bhutan. New Delhi asked Beijing to resolve the dispute diplomatically while emphasizing on their troops' mutual withdrawal from the site of standoff.
AbstractThis article explores the rural‐agrarian linkages of human trafficking in the Indian Punjab. The study argues that ongoing agrarian crises, high risk‐taking ability of some agrarian castes and low level of education in rural areas are fuelling the illicit business of human trafficking of Punjabis to foreign green pastures. Rural‐agrarian communities are the main victims of the traffickers' exploitation.The study has wider policy implications as it suggests policy‐makers should formulate a comprehensive policy framework for rural areas of Punjab to ensure the "3P" paradigm – prevention, protection and prosecution – of human trafficking.
Rejecting the various 'World Order Models' being projected as a panacea for a lasting peace, Nehru visualised 'World Union' based on democratic principles to create an egalitarian social and economic order across the globe and to eliminate the recurring phenomena of conflict and tension which produce wars at regular intervals. The perceived 'World Government' could provide a platform to manage and eliminate the modern forms of warfare: ethnic conflicts, proxy wars, militancy, terrorism, etc., while accommodating and redressing the grievances and resentments of specific people across as well as within the borders of national units. A global legislature can provide the community of nations a uniform, codified and effective international legal order. The Nehruvian model which sought to create an egalitarian, 'planned' and 'socialised' world economic order by eliminating imperialism and colonialism in all forms and manifestations could be relevant to manage the global economic crisis and also for the development of underdeveloped world. A World Union based on democracy and freedom may protect individual and group rights against ethnic cleansings and genocides and may help to universalise the institution of democracy. A strong world government, suggested by Nehru, can control nuclear proliferation and save mankind from the scourge of nuclear war.