Darfur als Klimakrieg
In: Zeitschrift für Genozidforschung, Band 15, Heft 1-2, S. 32-61
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In: Zeitschrift für Genozidforschung, Band 15, Heft 1-2, S. 32-61
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 54, Heft 4, S. 639-654
ISSN: 1475-6765
AbstractScholars have recently begun to examine how authoritarian rulers cooperate with each other in order to fend off popular challenges to their power. During theArabSpring the states of theGulfCooperationCouncil (GCC) supported fellow authoritarian regimes in some cases while backing opposition movements in others. Existing theoretical approaches fail to explain this variation. Advancing the study on authoritarian cooperation, this article develops a theoretical approach that sets out to explain how authoritarian regimes reach their decisions. Drawing on poliheuristic foreign policy analysis, it argues that perceptions of similarity serve as a filter for estimating threats to regime survival at home. If regimes perceive the situation in other countries as similar to their own, supporting other authoritarian regimes becomes the only acceptable strategy. In contrast, if perceptions of similarity are low, regimes also consider other options and evaluate their implications beyond the domestic political arena. Applying this framework to the example of theGCCstates during theArabSpring, the analysis reveals covariation between perceptions of similarity and threat amongGCCregimes, on the one hand, and their strategies, on the other.
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 54, Heft 4, S. 639-654
ISSN: 0304-4130
World Affairs Online
In: Comparative politics, Band 41, Heft 3, S. 253-272
ISSN: 2151-6227
In: Comparative politics, Band 41, Heft 3, S. 253-272
ISSN: 0010-4159
World Affairs Online
Stolen elections are triggering events that overcome barriers to revolutionary action against electoral authoritarian regimes. They mobilize ordinary citizens, strengthen the opposition, and divide the regime. As neo-institutionalist theories of revolution suggest, the relative openness of electoral authoritarianism inhibits mass protest. But when elections are stolen, regimes undergo "closure," increasing the probability of protest. The failure of other potential revolutionary precipitants underlines that stolen elections are not merely replaceable final straws. Stolen elections have not only been crucial for the emergence of revolutionary situations, they have shaped outcomes as well. Linking popular mobilization to fraudulent elections has become part of the repertoire of contention of democratic revolutionaries.
BASE
Stolen elections are triggering events that overcome barriers to revolutionary action against electoral authoritarian regimes. They mobilize ordinary citizens, strengthen the opposition, and divide the regime. As neo-institutionalist theories of revolution suggest, the relative openness of electoral authoritarianism inhibits mass protest. But when elections are stolen, regimes undergo "closure," increasing the probability of protest. The failure of other potential revolutionary precipitants underlines that stolen elections are not merely replaceable final straws. Stolen elections have not only been crucial for the emergence of revolutionary situations, they have shaped outcomes as well. Linking popular mobilization to fraudulent elections has become part of the repertoire of contention of democratic revolutionaries.
BASE
In: Journal of democracy, Band 15, Heft 4, S. 159-172
ISSN: 1086-3214
In: Journal of democracy, Band 15, Heft 4, S. 159-172
ISSN: 1045-5736
World Affairs Online