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China announced it would decrease CO2 emission intensity per GDP by 17% by 2015 compared to 2010 levels in its 12th Five Year Plan (FYP12: 2011-2015). This paper assesses the implementation plan of the CO2 intensity target in the FYP12 by comparing it with the implementation of China's energy intensity reduction policy during the 11th Five Year Plan (FYP11: 2006-2010) period. While it is difficult to evaluate China's Cancun Pledge (CO2 intensity target for 2020), it can be generally agreed that the successful achievement of the CO2 intensity target in the FYP12 will be crucial for meeting the Cancun Pledge. To ensure the implementation of the target, the Chinese government applied a Target Responsibility System (TRS) to the FYP12 CO2 intensity target. National targets are distributed to local governments and enterprises as mandatory targets and the TRS makes it clear which government bodies and personnel are responsible for achieving the allocated target. Target achievement status is linked to personnel evaluation, with a possibility of punitive measures. China's distinctive legal and political systems have enabled the introduction of the TRS: the strong command and supervisory authority of the central government over provincial governments, the strong binding force of the National Development Plan, and the party's overall control of personnel affairs. The TRS played a crucial role in achieving energy intensity targets in the FYP11 period, but there were a number of issues observed, such as the unreasonable allocation of targets to some provinces, illegal forced power cuts by local governments as last-minute methods for achieving their targets, and uncertainty over the credibility of target achievement results. Based on some of the problematic issues observed, China's government has introduced various measures such as a more reasonable (perhaps scientifically based) target allocation process, an Energy Forecast and Early-Warning System and Fixed Asset Conservation Measures.

ABSTRACTOne of the most fundamental questions surrounding the new Paris Agreement is whether countries? proposals to reduce GHG emissions after 2020 are equally ambitious, considering differences in circumstances between countries. We review a variety of approaches to assess the ambition of the GHG emission reduction proposals by countries. The approaches are applied illustratively to the mitigation part of the post-2020 climate proposals (nationally determined contributions, or NDCs) by China, the EU, and the US. The analysis reveals several clear trends, even though the results differ per individual assessment approach. We recommend that such a comprehensive ambition assessment framework, employing a large variety of approaches, is used in the future to capture a wide spectrum of perspectives on ambition.POLICY RELEVANCEAssessing the ambition of the national climate proposals is particularly important as the Paris Agreement asks for regular reviews of national contributions, keeping in mind that countries raise their ambition over time. Such an assessment will be an important part of the regular global stocktake that will take place every five years, starting with a ?light? version in 2018. However, comprehensive methods to assess the proposals are lacking. This article provides such a comprehensive assessment framework.

This policy brief presents recommendations on how to align future COVID-19 fiscal response measures with the Paris Agreement's long-term temperature goal globally, in the EU and, where data are available, also for selected Nordic countries. This brief is based on the findings of a research project supported by the Nordic Council of Ministers Working Group for Climate and Air (NKL), entitled: "The impact of COVID-19 and recovery packages on emission pathways to 2030". This research project has been prepared as a specific contribution to the 2021 edition of the UNEP Emissions Gap Report.

This article quantifies the net aggregate impact in 2030 of commitments by individual non-state and subnational actors (e.g. regions, cities and businesses, collectively referred to as 'NSAs') to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. The analysis was conducted for NSAs operating within ten major emitting economies that together accounted for roughly two-thirds of global GHG emissions in 2016. Our assessment includes 79 regions (e.g. subnational states and provinces), approximately 6,000 cities, and nearly 1,600 companies with a net emissions coverage of 8.1 GtCO2e/year, or a quarter of the ten economies' total GHG emissions in 2016. The analysis reflects a proposed methodology to aggregate commitments from different subnational (i.e. regional and city government) and non-state (i.e. business) actors, accounting for overlaps. If individual commitments by NSAs in the ten high-emitting economies studied are fully implemented and do not change the pace of action elsewhere, projected GHG emissions in 2030 for the ten economies would be 1.2–2.0 GtCO2e/year or 3.8%–5.5% lower compared to scenario projections for current national policies (31.6–36.8 GtCO2e/year). On a country level, we find that the full implementation of these individual commitments alone could result in the European Union and Japan overachieving their nationally determined contributions (NDCs), while India could further overachieve its unconditional NDC target. In the United States, where the national government has rolled back climate policies, NSAs could become a potential driving force for climate action.

This article quantifies the aggregate potential of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reductions in 2030 from the assumed full implementation of major international cooperative initiatives (ICIs). To this end, a methodology is proposed to aggregate emission reduction goals of the most significant and potentially impactful global initiatives. We identified the extent to which reductions are additional to national policies, assuming these actions do not displace climate actions elsewhere, and accounted for overlap ranges between the ICIs. The analysis was conducted for 17 initiatives, selected from an original list of over 300 with a series of testing criteria, across eight sectors and ten major emitting economies. These initiatives include cities, regions, businesses, and other subnational and non-state actors, cooperating with each other and sometimes working in partnership with national governments or other international organizations. Our analysis shows that the combined achievement of initiatives' reduction goals could reduce global emissions in 2030 by 18–21 GtCO 2e/year in addition to current national policies (total of 60–63 GtCO 2e/year), down to 39–44 GtCO 2e/year. If delivered fully, reductions from these 17 initiatives would help move the global emissions trajectory within the range of a 2°C-consistent emission pathway by 2030, although a significant gap would remain to reduce emissions to a 1.5°C-consistent pathway. Key policy insights We propose a transparent and robust methodology to aggregate GHG mitigation potential of ICIs, accounting for overlaps between ICIs. If major initiatives meet their goals and do not change the course of other existing climate actions, they could make large contributions by 2030 towards global efforts to stay within the range of a below 2°C-consistent emission pathway by 2030. The full suite of existing initiatives beyond those in this analysis could further increase ambition towards achieving the Paris Agreement's temperature goals. Cities and regions, businesses and ...