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The article considers political processes in the Kyrgyz Republic through the prism of complexly structured identity and historical memory of the Kyrgyz people. Manifestations of retraditionalization of the Kyrgyz social organization are considered as an inevitable consequence of disengagement from the Union center's control. The author emphasizes multilayered and segmented character of the Kyrgyz political culture that integrates traditionalism and modernization. The formation of multiple identity is characterized as a consequence of objective processes of reformatting the social environment as a result of technological innovations, intensification of intercultural and intercivilizational contacts, increasing mobility of the population. The article shows the fundamental role of the folk epic Manas in formation of national identity with the dominant tendency to strengthen the position of Islam in the multi-layered and syncretic religious practice of the Kyrgyz. The influence of tribal and clan self-identification on the political processes in the country is considered. There are factors that led to differences in the self-identification of urban and rural strata, as well as the Kyrgyz "North" and "South" of the country. The processes of ethno-cultural sovereignization of the titular ethnos, as well as other national groups of Kyrgyzstan are considered. The evolution of the state policy regarding the formation of a common civil identity in Kyrgyzstan, which provided for the implementation of the local version of multiculturalism, involving the protection of the ethno-cultural identity of national minorities, is shown.

The formation of the administrative borders of the Central Asian republics is connected with the historical events of the 1920s, the Bolshevik policy of division, or national-territorial demarcation of this vast Islamized region in the center of Eurasia. The Central Asian states that existed during the imperial period (Bukhara Emirate, Khiva and Kokand khanates), as well as during the initial period of Sovietization of the region (Turkestan ASSR, Bukhara NSR and Khorezm NSR) were not national entities. After the end of the Civil War, the Bolsheviks, within the framework of the "policy of self-determination of peoples", assumed that each state was to unite the population within a single nation, defined primarily by ethnicity. However, the implementation of these guidelines ran up against the lack of clear ethnic boundaries and the multiculturalism of the region; conflicts over the distribution of water, pasture, and minerals were not uncommon in the delimitation of borders. The territorial delimitation in the Fergana Valley, perceived by the Bolsheviks as a stronghold of the antiSoviet movement in Central Asia under the slogans of Pan-Islamism and Pan-Turkism, was especially difficult. It is no coincidence that the Fergana Valley, which was a single economic, cultural and historical complex, turned out to be divided between three state formations, the border disputes between which have not yet been finally resolved.

The Bosnian Crisis became a milestone in the process of disintegration of Yugoslavia. An important role in the development and settlement of the conflict was played by external actors, represented both by the countries of the West, as well as NATO and the EU, and by the Muslim community, which actively supported their co-religionists in Bosnia. On behalf of the latter, the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC, since 2011 — the Organization of Islamic Cooperation), which is the most authoritative and representative Muslim international organization, spoke. The position of the OIC, its interaction with the Bosnian leadership and other parties to the conflict significantly influenced the outcome of the Bosnian Crisis, despite the fact that most researchers tend to classify the OIC as a secondary participant in the process. The topic of the Bosnian conflict became one of the key ones at several conferences of foreign ministers of the OIC member countries, and the consolidated position of Muslim states developed at them in support of the Bosnians, according to the authors, prompted other stakeholders in the issue of resolving the conflict to more decisive action. The organization itself pursued the goal of including Bosnia and Herzegovina in its sphere of influence, but in the future this Balkan state will never become a member of the OIC, being content with observer status to this day. Nevertheless, the impact of international Islamic structures and, above all, the OIC on the course of hostilities and the political settlement in Bosnia and Herzegovina was a significant factor that retained its significance in the post-war period. Thus, the study of the history of interaction between the OIC and the Bosnian side seems relevant in order to identify the role and influence of the Islamic world on political processes in the Western Balkans and, above all, in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The article contains analysis of political transformations in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) in the 1997-2021 aiming to identify its political process' features within the framework of «one country, two systems» model. A brief description of Hong Kong's political life events in preceding decades is given, which reflects the key tendencies of Hong Kong's socio-political development under the British colonial rule. It is stated that establishing of the new political order in the SAR by PRC, intended to form a more accountable administrative model, is realized using the traditional Chinese scheme, which implies establishing China's unconditional dominance and control over the local administrations' activity. According to this, institutional transformations were implemented resulting in recentralization of power in the hands of the SAR's government, also administrative model was changed. The consequences of this shift were series of mass protest actions and reinforcement of political discord in public and government circles. The authors come to the conclusion about conflictive character of Hong Kong's political process, periodically proceeding on the brink of stability disruption. Currently, prospects of its democratization appear to be unlikely.

The article formulates and analyses factors of forming of Hong Kong's modern political culture with the purpose of uncovering the nature of local antigovernment protests. Considering the mass unrest acts in Hong Kong as a special administrative region of the PRC, social and political aspects are emphasized. The article considers the historical way of forming of Hong Kong's initial population, composed of aboriginals — the Cantonese and aliens from the north — Hakka. Autonomy of ongoing processes in the region is emphasized. The article analyses influence on Hong Kong's society during Britain's colonial rule as a main factor of forming of its modern political culture. The article also considers the nature of Hong Kong's government interaction with its society in 1940-1960s. The article states that at this time the government adhered the concept of minimal colonial state and didn't take meaningful measures to solve the most important social and political problems. The period of 1970s, on the contrary, is defined as a time of fundamental changes in Hong Kong's socio-political structure. This is due to accelerating of modernization processes and Hong Kong's gaining a certain degree of autonomy at this time. The authors conclude that a unique mentality in Hong Kong's society was formed and gives its characteristic, which makes it possible to speak of the features of its political culture.

The article considers the process of forming the modern identity of Hong Kong and proves underlying role of the British influence in this process. It is pointed out that the process goes back to the 19th century, when well-off Chinese started to move to the British Hong Kong in trying to find more comfortable conditions for life and business and reaches its pinnacle in 1970-1980, when Hong Kong not only becomes economically developed but transforms into a factor of cultural influence in the region mainly due to the promotion of its original (civilization-state) pop-culture. It's stated that Hongkongers use cultural and semiotic resources to emphasize specificity of their cultural code. And particularly these kinds of resources played the biggest role in this process. Authors conclude that the British influence was one of the structural factors which determined the nature and contents of Hong Kong's identity. At the same time, they note that the process of its forming is based on evolved for centuries Chinese national tradition which contains self-preserving mechanisms which make it possible for Hongkongers to interpret external cultural drawings in a unique way.