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When do Western powers intervene militarily on behalf of suffering strangers? Political elites' perceptions of international conflicts may alter options for third-party management. Examining the precedent-setting case of the Kosovo Crisis via multi-language fieldwork, NATO archives, and content analysis, I discuss how Kosovo moved from the periphery of Western attention to becoming the litmus test of the Western security response. Contrary to literature that focuses on humanitarian norms or geopolitical interests as drivers of this NATO intervention, I argue that the Kosovo Crisis "earned" a humanitarian military intervention due to shifting favorable conflict perceptions, which encouraged Western institutional involvement. Such interactions between perceptions and intervention may apply to other global crises.

Why are some violent intrastate crises more likely to prompt humanitarian military interventions than others? States appear to intervene robustly in reaction to some internal conflicts, such as Kosovo, but withhold similar options in more intense conflict, as in Darfur. Much of the research on this 'selectivity gap' focuses on universal norms or geopolitical interests. I, however, argue that the selectivity of these interventions is a product of regional variations interacting with conflict perceptions. This paper introduces a dataset of almost 1000 observations of intrastate armed conflict between 1989 and 2014, paired with international military responses and non-responses, as well as an Intervention Index that accounts for the intensity of military interventions. I find that once a threshold of human suffering is met via the existence of an internal armed conflict, powerful states will intervene depending on whether the conflict occurs in the Western sphere of influence and whether it is denoted as an identity war. A Western region coupled with no perceptions of identity-based civil war prompts the greatest odds of humanitarian military intervention. Such conclusions carry implications on the role of norms and interests in international politics, as biased by region, and for military intervention as a policy choice.

While scholars have made many claims about US military interventions, they have not come to a consensus on main trends and consequences. This article introduces a new, comprehensive dataset of all US military interventions since the country's founding, alongside over 200 variables that allow scholars to evaluate theoretical propositions on drivers and outcomes of intervention. It compares the new Military Intervention Project (MIP) dataset to the current leading dataset, the Militarized Interstate Disputes (MID). In sum, MIP doubles the universe of cases, integrates a range of military intervention definitions and sources, expands the timeline of analysis, and offers more transparency of sourcing through historically-documented case narratives of every US military intervention included in the dataset. According to MIP, the US has undertaken almost 400 military interventions since 1776, with half of these operations undertaken between 1950 and 2019. Over 25% of them have occurred in the post-Cold War period.

While scholars have made many claims about US military interventions, they have not come to a consensus on main trends and consequences. This article introduces a new, comprehensive dataset of all US military interventions since the country's founding, alongside over 200 variables that allow scholars to evaluate theoretical propositions on drivers and outcomes of intervention. It compares the new Military Intervention Project (MIP) dataset to the current leading dataset, the Militarized Interstate Disputes (MID). In sum, MIP doubles the universe of cases, integrates a range of military intervention definitions and sources, expands the timeline of analysis, and offers more transparency of sourcing through historically-documented case narratives of every US military intervention included in the dataset. According to MIP, the US has undertaken almost 400 military interventions since 1776, with half of these operations undertaken between 1950 and 2019. Over 25% of them have occurred in the post-Cold War period.

RésuméLes auteurs analysent l'impact sexué des politiques menées face à la crise de 2008 sur le chômage dans 28 pays de l'OCDE. Ils s'appuient sur une modélisation à effets aléatoires pour tester l'influence des systèmes de protection sociale au cours de la période 2000–2013. Ils montrent que la nature du régime d'État‐providence a un effet significatif, qui s'exerce principalement à travers le niveau des dépenses sociales et la dynamique de l'emploi public et qui tend à pénaliser les femmes. L'analyse présentée plaide en faveur de la recherche d'autres remèdes que les politiques d'austérité. Les auteurs formulent quelques recommandations à cet égard.

ResumenSe propone un análisis pormenorizado del efecto diferenciado en el desempleo, según el género, de las políticas aplicadas durante la recesión económica en 28 países de la OCDE. Para determinar la influencia de los regímenes de bienestar se utilizan modelos de efectos aleatorios y datos de 2000 a 2013. Los resultados reflejan el efecto significativo del régimen de bienestar, incluso independientemente de la crisis, a través del nivel de gasto social y la dinámica del empleo público, que fundamentalmente afectan a la mujer. El análisis detenido de las políticas destaca la necesidad de alternativas a las políticas de austeridad; los autores concluyen con propuestas afines.

AbstractThis article proposes a thorough analysis of the gendered impact of government policies applied during the Great Recession on unemployment across 28 OECD countries following an empirical estimation using random effects modelling with data from 2000 to 2013 to test the influence of welfare systems. Results point to a significant effect of welfare regime even beyond the crisis, primarily through social expenditure levels and public sector employment dynamics, which mainly affect women. The detailed policy analysis highlights the need to look for alternatives to austerity policies, and the authors conclude with some suggestions in that regard.