In: Politické vedy: časopis pre politológiu, najnovšie dejiny, medzinárodné vztʹahy, bezpec̆nostné s̆túdiá = Political sciences : journal for political sciences, modern history, international relations, security studies, Band 24, Heft 2, S. 40-61
In May 2017, Islamists of the South-Philippine Separate Groups of Abu Sajyaf and Maute occupied Marawi City in Mindanao. Five-month fighting was attended by more than 3,000 armed forces against about 1,000 jihadists. Dozens of foreign fighters took part in the fighting on the Islamists side and confirming the pan-Islamic ethos of the Islamic state's ideology in this part of the world. Philippine troops were not prepared for the character of fighting in urbanized environment against motivated and experienced militants. The shortcomings were manifested in the conducting of operations in a heavily built-up area, but also in low-level coordination and limits of capabilities of the technical intelligence. It was decided to create Special Operations Command to which all Philippine special purpose forces are subordinated. The conflict experience has initiated a change of doctrinal approach that focuses on air support to reduce losses due to inaccurate bombing and acquisitions of high-tech reconnaissance and weapon systems.
With an effort to further develop the economic output of China and preserve her social stability, the Government of the People's Republic of China is strongly motivated to secure the on-going inflow of crucial raw materials concurrently with the continuing outflow of Chinese products outside the Mainland China. Regarding the fact that almost three quarters of the overall volume of transported resources as well as exported production is done by maritime routes, the PRC faces a strategic challenge to control these routes in order to prevent their interruption. This corresponds with the continuous growth of Chinese military expenditures and focus on the further PLA Navy development.
The new Polish National Security Strategy was approved at the end of the last year. Its creation reflected ongoing shifts in global security environment most importantly the Ukrainian crisis and current assertive behaviour of the Russian federation towards her traditional areas of geostrategic interest. It focuses on a transmission of strategic priorities from participation in international operations to an imminent provision of the Polish territorial defence. New priorities are laid upon national defence potential, fulfilment of commitments towards the NATO and strategic partnership with the United States.
The article deals with important aspects determining the defensibility of the State of Israel borderlines and its current conditions. It outlines trends and tendencies in Israeli approach to this burning issue and depicts important political and military - strategic factors concerning Israeli concept for countering military and paramilitary (i.e. terrorist, insurgent etc.) threats in border region. Particular focus is dedicated to the new regional security situation after the outbreak of the Arab Spring and its impact on securing the Israeli sovereignty. Furthermore, it depicts the question whether current unsatisfied security situation in surrounding Arab countries could eventually turn into an outbreak of conventional military conflict and/or whether the State of Israel could possibly face concentrated strain of radical Islamic groups operating in the border area. Last but not least, the article concludes an outline of Israeli doctrinal approaches and examines the impact of budgetary restraints into the development of IDF.
Příspěvek se zabývá vybranými bezpečnostními aspekty námořních hraničních linií Státu Izrael. V krátkosti vymezuje současnou organizaci izraelského válečného námořnictva a jeho vybavení pro zabezpečování izraelské svrchovanosti proti hrozbám přicházejícím z moře, včetně zadržovacích operací vedoucích k zabránění šíření zbraní do rukou protiizraelských teroristických organizací. V souvislosti s izraelskou námořní blokádou pásma Gazy je komentována legitimita takového kroku a mezinárodněpolitické konsekvence jejího vynucování. Ekonomické souvislosti přetrvávajících problémů stran izraelské námořní hranice jsou evidentní na příkladu sporu o právo k využití podmořských nalezišť plynu.
The article deals with contemporary security situation in the Sinai Peninsula. Attention is paid to certain aspects that form the local negative trends in security developments and their mutual interconnection, as a part of social movements after the events of the so-called Arab Spring and the consequences of the Egyptian Lotus Revolution that have a cardinal influence for both the deployments of Egyptian Army and the security sector in this territory. The opening part of this article is a brief historical excursion into the peace agreement between Egypt and Israel that arranges the special status of the Sinai as a demilitarized area and the adjustment of social-economic reality of the Bedouin population performing decisive influence for described situation.
Cognitive warfare is a new phenomenon that differs from any forms of action previously used in the information space aiming to affect the thinking of target groups. The main difference consists in the targeted and sophisticated use of scientific knowledge from neuroscience, with special attention on consciousness and perception of reality. This deeper understanding of how the human mind works has impacted distributed narratives and the choice of the most suitable technological platforms for their distribution to the target audience. This article presents a conceptual classification of cognitive warfare and defines its three core segments: neuroscience, technology and aspects of social science.
The air force plays an important role in armed conflicts. It was no different in the Odyssey Dawn and Unified Protector operations in Libya in 2011. The European dependence on the US became fully apparent during those operations. After 2011, US attention has been shifted to Asia. This article focuses on the evaluation of the development of European air forces from 2011 to 2021 in the context of the shift of US attention to Asia. The article uses a dataset to compare the number of aircraft in specific categories in 2011 and 2021. The research shows that European states maintain a fleet of around 2,000 fighter jets, while compared to 2011, the number of ISR aircraft decreased from 183 to 122 and the number of air-to-air refuelling aircraft from 70 to 67. In contrast, the number of MALE unmanned vehicles has doubled from 45 to 91. However, in the context of the US shift Asia, those numbers are insufficient, and European states are still dependent on US support.
The Russian decision to conduct a full-scale invasion of Ukraine changed our world forever. European states are actively considering an increase in defense expenditures and trying to learn from ongoing armed conflict. On the other hand, Europeans are not the only ones learning from this war. The most dangerous geopolitical rival of the US, China, is watching this conflict closely as well and trying to learn as much as possible for its Taiwan campaign not only in the military domain, but also in diplomatic, information, and economic domains. This paper discusses possible implications for China in these domains. The authors pay special attention to the military domain divided into two subdomains, air and naval. First, a review of the literature of the Western view is conducted. Then data from semi-structured interviews with Taiwanese experts are used to compare those two views and identify possible implications for China and especially the People 's Liberation Army on the Taiwan campaign. Those two views are overall similar with minor differences.
The article focuses on the concept of crowdsourcing in the social networking environment as a new phenomenon involving civilians in the intelligence process, enabling the use of their intelligence potential during armed conflict. Crowdsourcing of the civilian population is introduced by the example of NATO intervention during the first civil war in Libya. The article presents its use during the intelligence process at the strategic-operational level of command and control of the armed forces. It establishes its possible definition as a collection method of the intelligence process, and as a collection method which is disjunctively separable from similar intelligence collection methods.