Armed Forces for a Modest Power
In: Russian politics and law, Band 48, Heft 3, S. 44-52
ISSN: 1558-0962
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In: Russian politics and law, Band 48, Heft 3, S. 44-52
ISSN: 1558-0962
In: Russian politics and law: a journal of translations, Band 48, Heft 3, S. 44-53
ISSN: 1061-1940
In: Svobodnaja mysl' - XXI: teoretičeskij i političeskij žurnal, Band 57, Heft 11, S. 145-165
ISSN: 0869-4435
In: Naučno-analitičeskij vestnik Instituta Evropy RAN, Band 30, Heft 6, S. 117-134
ISSN: 2618-7914
The article touches the development of the French energy policy in 2017–2022 under the presidency of Emmanuel Macron. The author analyzed the dynamics of the energy mix change during 2017–2021 period in the context of the Energy transition act of 2015 and the plans of the French authorities concerning the management of five main types of the energy sources (atomic power stations, oil, gas, RES and coal). The paper highlights the tasks of E. Macron in this field and main steps of his administration to achieve them, structured into three stages – the first, relatively calm one – the beginning of Macron's presidential term (2017–2019), the second – the COVID-19 pandmic (2020–2021) and the third – an escalation of the Ukrainian crisis (2022) in the time of Macron's re-election for a second presidential term. It is shown that the French authorities had to adjust their original plans under the influence of a number of events, especially in the second and third stages. The article concludes that the majority of Macron's election promises in the energy sector were not fulfilled, but French authorities made a number of significant steps aimed at further adjustments to the French energy mix announced by Macron in 2017.
In: Contemporary Europe, Band 100, Heft 7, S. 37-45
ISSN: 0201-7083
Article 7 of the Treaty on the European Union envisages a mechanism for responding to breaching by Member States the values of democracy, equality, the rule of law and human rights proclaimed by the Union, as well as the introduction of sanctions. Nevertheless, the EU structures are extremely cautious about this mechanism, despite the reasons for its application. The article analyzes the history of this clause in European legislation and the first attempts to influence dubious decisions of the Member States. The author explores the cases of Poland and Hungary in light of discussions to initiate the Article 7 procedures against these countries. It is concluded that such an outcome is unlikely. It is highlighted that the clause was deliberately formulated so that it allows to limit the actions of European institutions, to leave decisions in the hands of national governments and to provide an opportunity to settle the disput through negotiations. The author explores the internal discussions of alternative ways to influence values-violating Member States.
In: Contemporary Europe, Heft 100, S. 27-37
ISSN: 0201-7083
Article 7 of the Treaty on the European Union provides for a mechanism for responding to violations by member states of the values of democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights proclaimed by the Union, as well as the introduction of sanctions against the violating state. Nevertheless, the EU structures are extremely cautious about this mechanism, despite the reasons for its use. The article analyzes the history of the appearance of Article 7 in European legislation and the first attempts of a pan-European influence on dubious decisions of the member states. Based on the example of Poland and Hungary in respect of which the possibility of applying sanctions under the Article 7 procedure is now being discussed, it is concluded that such an outcome is unlikely. It is shown that Article 7 was deliberately created in such a way as to limit the actions of pan-European structures, to leave decisions in the hands of national governments and to provide an opportunity to solve the problem through negotiations. It also shows the process of searching for alternative ways of influencing the violating states.