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AbstractThis study examines whether there is a curve linear relationship between economic development and greenhouse gas emissions, where poor and rich countries have low emissions while middle-income countries have high emissions. This is a controversial argument that suggests that persistent economic growth is the best means for achieving considerable emission reductions. The study contributes with new knowledge about the causes of variations in greenhouse gas emissions, by analyzing data for greenhouse gas emissions and testing economic explanations in relation to a broad array of political explanations. As the study demonstrates, there is a curve linear relationship between the level of economic development and greenhouse gas emissions, but the turning point – where a higher level of economic development starts to produce lower rather than higher emission levels – is far higher than previously thought. Among the study's sample of countries, only the Scandinavian countries and Switzerland have experienced a sufficiently high level of economic development in order for increased wealth to result in lower emissions. Among the political impacts on greenhouse gas emissions, the study indicates that countries with consensual political systems produce lower emission levels than countries where the separation of powers is more centralized. A more robust "green" civil society leads to lower emissions in countries where the democratic system is functioning well, and ambitious targets regarding reduction of emissions in the Kyoto Protocol also seems to lower emissions.

Experts and academics think, write, and talk extensively about energy transition, but can the same be said about the public? A comprehensive move from fossil to renewable energy implies significant structural changes and social consequences, for example linked to employment, mobility, and individual consumption patterns. Consequently, public acceptance of such an energy transition is needed for its success in democracies. However, the extent to which the concept of energy transition is familiar to the public remains poorly understood, and existing methods to gauge public opinion may overestimate the public's familiarity with energy transition pathways. Here we invite randomly selected citizens to write down the words they associate with one of the following: "oil and gas", "energy," and "transition," notably not asking about "energy transition" itself. We collect 3232 textual responses in Norway, a crucial case for both energy supply and transition due to its dominant petroleum industry and hydroelectric power capacity. Overall, topics related to energy transition are not prevalent. Notably, "transition" responses center on reorganization in the workplace and government centralization, while few links are found between transition and energy. Furthermore, we find that associations with the word "transition" in the context of jobs are negative more than positive, suggesting risks related to using the same word for the movement from fossil to renewable energy in public communication. Our findings indicate that the issue of energy transition appears distant for the general public to engage in, compared to the concerns of everyday life and notably concerns connected to employment. ; publishedVersion

Experts and academics think, write, and talk extensively about energy transition, but can the same be said about the public? A comprehensive move from fossil to renewable energy implies significant structural changes and social consequences, for example linked to employment, mobility, and individual consumption patterns. Consequently, public acceptance of such an energy transition is needed for its success in democracies. However, the extent to which the concept of energy transition is familiar to the public remains poorly understood, and existing methods to gauge public opinion may overestimate the public's familiarity with energy transition pathways. Here we invite randomly selected citizens to write down the words they associate with one of the following: "oil and gas", "energy," and "transition," notably not asking about "energy transition" itself. We collect 3232 textual responses in Norway, a crucial case for both energy supply and transition due to its dominant petroleum industry and hydroelectric power capacity. Overall, topics related to energy transition are not prevalent. Notably, "transition" responses center on reorganization in the workplace and government centralization, while few links are found between transition and energy. Furthermore, we find that associations with the word "transition" in the context of jobs are negative more than positive, suggesting risks related to using the same word for the movement from fossil to renewable energy in public communication. Our findings indicate that the issue of energy transition appears distant for the general public to engage in, compared to the concerns of everyday life and notably concerns connected to employment. ; publishedVersion

Based on a survey of civil servants in the Norwegian central government, this article describes perceptions of coordination capacity and examines to what degree the variations in perceived coordinating capacity can be explained by structural and cultural features. In particular, it focuses on the significance of wicked policy areas. Overall the coordination capacity is weaker in wicked policy areas than in other policy areas. Controlling for other features the coordination capacity is primarily related to cultural factors, such as mutual trust, level of conflict, and identification with the central government. Some structural features, such as administrative level, also have an effect. ; publishedVersion

Based on a survey of civil servants in the Norwegian central government, this article describes perceptions of coordination capacity and examines to what degree the variations in perceived coordinating capacity can be explained by structural and cultural features. In particular, it focuses on the significance of wicked policy areas. Overall the coordination capacity is weaker in wicked policy areas than in other policy areas. Controlling for other features the coordination capacity is primarily related to cultural factors, such as mutual trust, level of conflict, and identification with the central government. Some structural features, such as administrative level, also have an effect.

Based on a survey of civil servants in the Norwegian central government, this article describes perceptions of coordination capacity and examines to what degree the variations in perceived coordinating capacity can be explained by structural and cultural features. In particular, it focuses on the significance of wicked policy areas. Overall the coordination capacity is weaker in wicked policy areas than in other policy areas. Controlling for other features the coordination capacity is primarily related to cultural factors, such as mutual trust, level of conflict, and identification with the central government. Some structural features, such as administrative level, also have an effect.

Based on a survey of civil servants in the Norwegian central government, this article describes perceptions of coordination capacity and examines to what degree the variations in perceived coordinating capacity can be explained by structural and cultural features. In particular, it focuses on the significance of wicked policy areas. Overall the coordination capacity is weaker in wicked policy areas than in other policy areas. Controlling for other features the coordination capacity is primarily related to cultural factors, such as mutual trust, level of conflict, and identification with the central government. Some structural features, such as administrative level, also have an effect. ; publishedVersion

This article assumes a media system perspective on the local news media structure in Norway, using a dataset of 847,487 news articles collected from 156 Norwegian news outlets in 2015–2017. Using a series of hypotheses, the analysis uses Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) topic modelling to ascertain to what extent local journalism meets community information needs through infrastructure, output and performance. The analysis finds that the size of the publisher and the size of the community covered matter more for hard news coverage than regulatory factors. To that end, the results indicate that the Norwegian local media system is somehow shaped by the geography of the political landscape. The results and their contributions are discussed in light of media systems theory and local journalism structures. ; publishedVersion

This article assumes a media system perspective on the local news media structure in Norway, using a dataset of 847,487 news articles collected from 156 Norwegian news outlets in 2015–2017. Using a series of hypotheses, the analysis uses Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) topic modelling to ascertain to what extent local journalism meets community information needs through infrastructure, output and performance. The analysis finds that the size of the publisher and the size of the community covered matter more for hard news coverage than regulatory factors. To that end, the results indicate that the Norwegian local media system is somehow shaped by the geography of the political landscape. The results and their contributions are discussed in light of media systems theory and local journalism structures. ; publishedVersion

This article assumes a media system perspective on the local news media structure in Norway, using a dataset of 847,487 news articles collected from 156 Norwegian news outlets in 2015–2017. Using a series of hypotheses, the analysis uses Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) topic modelling to ascertain to what extent local journalism meets community information needs through infrastructure, output and performance. The analysis finds that the size of the publisher and the size of the community covered matter more for hard news coverage than regulatory factors. To that end, the results indicate that the Norwegian local media system is somehow shaped by the geography of the political landscape. The results and their contributions are discussed in light of media systems theory and local journalism structures. ; publishedVersion