The aim of this article is to reflect the emergence of an imaginary reflex praxis to contribute to the extensive production of educational materials in endogenous languages, far beyond literacy alone. The aim is to build forms and teaching content that can function as an integral education medium, and to adapt to subjects as complex and "high" as history, geography, natural sciences, and even civic education, and, in general, social sciences, from early school, kindergarten and primary school to the most advanced pre-university levels. This praxis was developed within the Normal School of bilingual teachers of the Mexican State of Oaxaca and a train-the-trainer network (Red EIBI: Bilingual and Intercultural Indigene Education Network) and then extended to governmental organisations (S.E.P.: Secretariat for Public Education, B.I.C. Network: Bachillerato Integral Comunitario) as well as non-governmental (C.M.P.I.O. — Coordination de Maîtres et Promoteurs Indigens de Oaxaca — or Plan Piloto, Tequio Pedagógico, Caracol Mazateco, etc.), or on the initiative of kindergartens in the region where mazatec, a major popolocane language (Eastern otomangue) is spoken. This methodology has been associated from the beginning with the production of a linguistic atlas describing the variation of the mazatec: it was both the practice of workshops with school organisations and civil society in mazatèque and field surveys on language variation, with restitution strategies associated with elicitation work, which made the project Almaz consistent with the descriptive and applied dialectology project (Léonard et al., 2012; Léonard, 2010). Here, we will focus on the method and context of the invisible writing workshops, without going into the geolinguistic issues associated with it as a watermark. ; International audience ; The aim of this article is to reflect the emergence of an imaginary reflex praxis to contribute to the extensive production of educational materials in endogenous languages, far beyond literacy alone. The aim is to ...
International audience ; The Popolocan languages are part of a vast linguistic stock spread all over Meso-America, from Central-Northern Mexico to the South of the state of Oaxaca, México – the Otomanguean linguistic stock. Before the "Conquest", Otomanguean languages were spoken in the Mexican state of Northern Chiapas (Chiapanec), and a long way south of the Meso-american isthmus, so far as Nicaragua, where Mangue was still in use. The Popolocan languages (Popoloca proper, Chocho or Ngigua, Ixcatec and Mazatec) are part of the Eastern Otomangean network of sub-phyla within the Otomanguean stock. In this paper, we endeavoured to approach the sociolinguistic situation of Mazatec, an Eastern Popolocan language, which stands as a multiplex sociolinguistic « Small World » or microcosm: a Leibnizian monade in itself. Though, our approach is by no means monadic, as it takes into account the outer coordinates of this "Open Small World" – especially the network of major urban centres for migration, in Oaxaca, Puebla, the D.F. or abroad. We suggests two types of interpretation – quantitative and qualitative. We constantly argue that official figures (statistics) should not be taken as granted. They tell more through the discrepancies and contradictions they hint at than by mere statements or enumeration of variables and figures. Linguistic or anthropological fieldwork anchors social science in more than mere facts and figures: it provides "counterfacts" and "counterfigures". It has the powerful causticity of criticism based on observation and the revisiting of illusions. In spite of its apparent vitality, we claim Mazatec is actually to a certain extent an endangered language in the long term, and that one of the efficient ways to reverse this trend might have to do with investing more on knowledge and formal practice of the language among teachers and youngsters – not only at school. A strong commitment to democracy, sociocultural and political pluralism, and a different policy for local economic development should also prevail, in a region where the system of complementarities between the Highlands and the Lowlands have been dramatically smashed into pieces, by the building up of the Miguel Alemán dam, and the rise and fall of the coffee economy in the highlands.
International audience ; The Popolocan languages are part of a vast linguistic stock spread all over Meso-America, from Central-Northern Mexico to the South of the state of Oaxaca, México – the Otomanguean linguistic stock. Before the "Conquest", Otomanguean languages were spoken in the Mexican state of Northern Chiapas (Chiapanec), and a long way south of the Meso-american isthmus, so far as Nicaragua, where Mangue was still in use. The Popolocan languages (Popoloca proper, Chocho or Ngigua, Ixcatec and Mazatec) are part of the Eastern Otomangean network of sub-phyla within the Otomanguean stock. In this paper, we endeavoured to approach the sociolinguistic situation of Mazatec, an Eastern Popolocan language, which stands as a multiplex sociolinguistic « Small World » or microcosm: a Leibnizian monade in itself. Though, our approach is by no means monadic, as it takes into account the outer coordinates of this "Open Small World" – especially the network of major urban centres for migration, in Oaxaca, Puebla, the D.F. or abroad. We suggests two types of interpretation – quantitative and qualitative. We constantly argue that official figures (statistics) should not be taken as granted. They tell more through the discrepancies and contradictions they hint at than by mere statements or enumeration of variables and figures. Linguistic or anthropological fieldwork anchors social science in more than mere facts and figures: it provides "counterfacts" and "counterfigures". It has the powerful causticity of criticism based on observation and the revisiting of illusions. In spite of its apparent vitality, we claim Mazatec is actually to a certain extent an endangered language in the long term, and that one of the efficient ways to reverse this trend might have to do with investing more on knowledge and formal practice of the language among teachers and youngsters – not only at school. A strong commitment to democracy, sociocultural and political pluralism, and a different policy for local economic development should ...
International audience ; The Popolocan languages are part of a vast linguistic stock spread all over Meso-America, from Central-Northern Mexico to the South of the state of Oaxaca, México – the Otomanguean linguistic stock. Before the "Conquest", Otomanguean languages were spoken in the Mexican state of Northern Chiapas (Chiapanec), and a long way south of the Meso-american isthmus, so far as Nicaragua, where Mangue was still in use. The Popolocan languages (Popoloca proper, Chocho or Ngigua, Ixcatec and Mazatec) are part of the Eastern Otomangean network of sub-phyla within the Otomanguean stock. In this paper, we endeavoured to approach the sociolinguistic situation of Mazatec, an Eastern Popolocan language, which stands as a multiplex sociolinguistic « Small World » or microcosm: a Leibnizian monade in itself. Though, our approach is by no means monadic, as it takes into account the outer coordinates of this "Open Small World" – especially the network of major urban centres for migration, in Oaxaca, Puebla, the D.F. or abroad. We suggests two types of interpretation – quantitative and qualitative. We constantly argue that official figures (statistics) should not be taken as granted. They tell more through the discrepancies and contradictions they hint at than by mere statements or enumeration of variables and figures. Linguistic or anthropological fieldwork anchors social science in more than mere facts and figures: it provides "counterfacts" and "counterfigures". It has the powerful causticity of criticism based on observation and the revisiting of illusions. In spite of its apparent vitality, we claim Mazatec is actually to a certain extent an endangered language in the long term, and that one of the efficient ways to reverse this trend might have to do with investing more on knowledge and formal practice of the language among teachers and youngsters – not only at school. A strong commitment to democracy, sociocultural and political pluralism, and a different policy for local economic development should also prevail, in a region where the system of complementarities between the Highlands and the Lowlands have been dramatically smashed into pieces, by the building up of the Miguel Alemán dam, and the rise and fall of the coffee economy in the highlands.
The Slovene dialect of Val Resia and the neighbouring Slovenian-speaking valleys, in Friuli-Venezia Giulia, is embedded behind a mountain buttress which isolates this micro-dialect area from the Slovenian dialect network. A rich tradition of research has documented Resiano and similar varieties for two centuries already, and contributes to the revival of local language and culture, through forms of "bottom-up" language management, involving active and proficient cultural circles and organizations. An idiosyncratic form of corpus planning took shape in the 1990s, based on specific research work considering the internal dialect diversity of this micro-region. However, various points of view are opposed in the sociolinguistic and political agora between, on the one hand, those who advocate a localist individuation and reject integration of Resian within the framework of Slovenian dialects, denying kinship with Slovenian, and on the other hand, those who are committed to forms of polynomic integration, cultivating links with Slovene as the reference language. Three models of development are proposed, according to an architectural metaphor of this ethnolinguistic Bildung: i) the fortress (denying affiliation to Slovene, and rejecting it as a model for corpus planning), ii) the bridge (enhancing close kinship with Slovene, and converging with its status planning), and iii) the drawbridge (enforcing specificity without rejecting affinity with Slovene, and cross-border cooperation with Slovenia). Nowadays, the drawbridge model seems to prevail, although the fortress and bridge trends are still latent locally. The "Resian case", showing constant search of a balance between conflictual standpoints between separation vs. assimilation, happens to be a particularly interesting situation for language endangerment and sociolinguistic studies. ; Les variétés de slovène du Val Resia, en Frioul-Vénétie Julienne, sont enclavées derrière un contrefort montagneux qui les isole du réseau dialectal slovène. Une riche tradition de recherche les documente depuis deux siècles, et connaît un renouveau grâce à l'aménagement linguistique « de par en bas » (associatif). Une codification a pris forme dans les années 1990, fondée sur un travail de recherche tenant compte de la diversité dialectale interne de cette micro-région. Cependant, divers points de vue s'opposent, sur le plan glottopolitique entre d'une part, les tenants d'une individuation localiste contre une intégration dans le concert des dialectes slovènes, et d'autre part, les tenants d'une intégration polynomique et pragmatique, cultivant le lien avec la langue de référence, le slovène, dans une relation de complémentarité. Le présent article rend compte de ce dilemme et des contradictions entre plan émique et plan étique, sur la base d'un état documentaire diversifié et d'observations de terrain. On propose trois « modèles » ou scénarios » de développement social et de revitalisation du résian et des variétés italo-slovènes proches : la citadelle (isolationnisme, avec risque de substitution sociolinguistique), le pont (intégration, avec risque d'assimilation par le slovène standard), le pont-levis (un pluralisme polynomique, avec ouverture au monde slovène et slave, tout en maintenant une spécificité structurale). Des trois options, c'est semble-t-il la troisième qui tend, fort heureusement, à prévaloir depuis plusieurs décennies, bien qu'il faille rester vigilant à maintenir un équilibre entre individuation, isolement et assimilation. C'est là un processus sans fin, dont le résian constitue un cas exemplaire pour la glottopolitique des minorités transfrontalières. ; Slovensko mikronarečje, značilno za Rezijo in sosednja slovensko govoreča območja v Furlaniji - Julijski krajini, je od slovenskega narečnega območja ločeno z gorsko pregrado. Rezijanščina in njej sorodna narečja so že dve stoletji deležni najrazličnejših raziskav, ki prispevajo k obujanju rezijanskega jezika in kulture. Jezikovno in kulturno oživitev rezijanščine omogočajo različne jezikovne strategije, ki ob aktivni podpori kulturnih društev in organizacij potekajo v smeri od spodaj navzgor. V 90. letih 20. stoletja se je začel idiosinkratičen proces normiranja rezijanščine, katerega podlaga so raziskave narečne raznovrstnosti v rezijanski mikroregiji. Pri tem je mogoče opaziti s sociolingvističnega in političnega vidika nasprotujoče si poglede na proces normiranja. Zagovorniki lokalne individualizacije nasprotujejo obravnavi rezijanščine v okviru slovenskih narečij in poudarjanju podobnosti med slovenščino in rezijanščino; po drugi strani skupina zagovornikov različnih vrst polinomske integracije poudarja pomen stičnih točk med rezijanščino in slovenščino. V prispevku predstavljamo nasprotja med emičnim in etičnim vidikom obravnave problematike, pri čemer se opiramo na različne pisne vire in rezultate terenskega opazovanja. Predstavljamo tri mogoče modele družbenega razvoja ter oživitve rezijanščine in sorodnih narečij v prihodnje: i) trdnjava (izolacionizem, zavračanje slovenščine kot podlage za normiranje rezijanščine), ii) most (integracija, asimilacija rezijanščine s standardno slovenščino) in iii) dvižni most (polinomski pluralizem, ohranjanje strukturnih značilnosti rezijanščine ob priznavanju stičnih točk s slovenščino). Zdi se, da v zadnjih desetletjih prevladuje model dvižnega mostu, čeprav sta druga dva pristopa še vedno skrito prisotna na določenih območjih. Primer rezijanščine je zaradi nenehnega iskanja ravnovesja med izolacijo in asimilacijo še posebej zanimiv za raziskovanje ogroženosti jezika in za sociolingvistične raziskave.
Le présent volume, résolument multilingue (français, italien, anglais, espagnol, arbëresh/albanais), tout comme la communauté linguistique étudiée, est à la fois le produit de l'intérêt des coordinateurs de l'ouvrage pour la langue arbëresh (ou albanais d'Italie), et l'aboutissement d'un projet de sociolinguistique sur l'aménagement linguistique ' de par en bas ' (ou bottom-up: par la société civile et le tissu associatif) de cette importante langue minoritaire du sud-est européen, déposé auprès du Conseil Scientifique de l'Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3 à l'automne 2019. Il a pour vocation d'ouvrir des perspectives et des pistes de réflexion future, opposant les processus de pulvérisation et de perdurance du lien socioculturel et de la langue arbëresh, sur son état des choses sociolinguistique et géopolitique, dans son contexte non seulement européen, mais mondial, car cette langue, historiquement transplantée depuis les Balkans vers l'Italie, a connu ces deux derniers siècles une diaspora dans la diaspora par l'émigration. Le cas arbëresh est métonymique d'une situation sociolinguistique historique qui déjoue bien des idées reçues sur les politiques linguistiques et la question des langues minoritaires. Un cas d'école ' à rebours ', que ce volume se propose d'explorer ' de par en bas '
