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Many governments, large institutions, and collective actors rely on the principle of solidarity to embed social policies on firm normative and legal grounds. In this original volume, a multidisciplinary roster of scholars come together to examine the contributions - and challenges -implicit in relying on the idea of solidarity to 'inscribe' this principle in social policies. Chapters explore how the dependence on the solidarity principle, and especially on inclusive understandings of solidarity, can strengthen or weaken institutions and movements. The volume's contributors cover developments across decades with a multilevel approach exploring dynamic interactions between local, national, and supranational arenas in pursuing and adjudicating the solidarity principle. Unique and innovative, Inscribing Solidarity examines the implications and dynamics of solidarity across a variety of terrains to illuminate its concrete limitations and specific advantages. This title is also available via Open Access on Cambridge Core.
In: Oñati international series in law and society
"This book offers a unique contribution that examines major recent changes in conflict, negotiation and regulation within the labour relations systems and related governance institutions of advanced societies. The broad scope of analysis includes social welfare institutions, new forms of protest including judicialisation, transnational structures, and collective bargaining itself. As the distinguished group of participating authors show, the accumulation of numerous crucial changes in the interactions of unions, employers, political parties, courts, protestors, regulators - and other key actors - makes it imperative to reframe the study of collective bargaining and related forms of governance. The shifting dynamics include the growing relevance of multi-level interactions involving transnational entities, states and regions; the increasing tendency of workers and unions to turn to the courts as part of their overall strategy; new forms of solidarity among workers; and the emergence of new populist and nationalist actors. At the same time, sectors of the workforce that feel underrepresented by existing institutions have contributed to new types of protest and 'agency'. Building on classic debates, the book offers new theoretical and practical approaches that insert the study of collective bargaining into the analysis of governance, solidarity, conflict and regulation, broadly construed"---Bloomsbury Publishing
In: El cartel de los sapos [1]
In: Biblioteconomía y administración cultural 119
In: Fronteras de la historia: revista, Band 28, Heft 1, S. 315-320
ISSN: 2539-4711
En esta entrevista el Dr. Rotsay Rosales Valladares se refiere a varios aspectos de la Educación Cívica actual, los cuales, a su juicio, explican la pasividad y la resignación que se transmite a los jóvenes desde esta asignatura escolar. Para él, este proceso educativo, lejos de combatir el modelo económico del capitalismo global con ciudadanos críticos y con alto compromiso cívico, más bien lo refuerza con la promoción de consumidores dóciles y acríticos. Por ello, y como una propuesta axiológica, el Dr. Rosales Valladares propone la necesidad de una Educación Cívica que contribuya al tránsito de esta sociedad liberal posdemocrática, a una sociedad y un país democrático posliberal. ; In this interview Dr. Rotsay Rosales Valladares talks about current Civic Education, which, in his opinion, explains the passivity and resignation that is transmitted to young people. Dr. Rosales Civic Education reinforces the promotion of docile and uncritical consumers, instead combating the economic model of global capitalism with critical citizens with high civic commitment, that's Why Dr. Rosales Valladares, proposes an axiological proposal, in order to Civic Education that contributes to the transition from this post-democratic liberal society to a post-liberal democratic society and country.
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This essay seeks to demonstrate that the ideological role of the teaching of Social Studies is not new despite having been presented as such in 2018 by the media and the political class. In order to do so, first, the topics of ideology, hegemony, and education will be touched on to establish some theoretical elements that can help understand this relationship. Next, this paper will show that, since its inception as a school subject, Social Studies markedly emphasized national history and the democratic values associated with a colonial, independent past, supposedly characterized by consensus and equality. Then, some study programs for this subject subsequent to 1970 are revisited in order to show the ideological load that the state assigned to this subject. Finally, this essay seeks to put forward that the debate on the ideological role of Social Studies emerged in a historic moment in which professionals in education have taken on critical pedagogy as their main dissent tool. ; Este ensayo pretende demostrar que el papel ideológico de la Enseñanza de los Estudios Sociales en Costa Rica no es nuevo como se intentó presentar en 2018, en los medios de comunicación y en el seno de la clase política. Para ello, se hará primero un acercamiento al tema de la ideología, hegemonía y educación con el fin de aportar algunos elementos teóricos que ayuden a comprender esta relación. Seguidamente, se verá que, desde la misma creación de los Estudios Sociales como materia escolar, su concepción estuvo marcada por un fuerte sesgo hacia la historia patria y los valores democráticos atribuidos a un pasado, colonial e independiente, presuntamente caracterizado por el consenso y la igualdad. Luego se hace la revisión de algunos programas de esta asignatura, posteriores a 1970, con el objetivo de evidenciar las cargas ideológicas que el Estado le asignó a dicha materia en la formación de niños y jóvenes del país. Como telón de fondo, el ensayo busca plantear que estas inquietudes sobre el papel ideológico de los estudios sociales eclosionan en un momento histórico caracterizado por profesionales en educación que han asumido la pedagogía crítica como su principal herramienta de disenso.
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Summary: This work addresses the problem of deforestation in Costa Rica, from the beginning of independence to the closure of the 19th century. Despite the scarcity of sources and the limited existence of statistics on this subject, the aim is to show that deforestation in the 19th century, although small-scale, had a strong impact on forest cover, especially in the case of high-profitability fine timber, and laid the foundations for the woodworking industry that became effective in the 20th century. From that point of view, the article also shows that there was evidence of the impact of the pattern of logging driven by individuals and by the same State on the national territory. However, that aspect was not taken into account by the economic interests affecting national ponds and forests at a time when the extraction of national wealth and its placing on the market were the fundamental objectives. ; Resumen: Este trabajo aborda el problema de la deforestación en Costa Rica, desde los albores de la independencia hasta el cierre del siglo XIX. A pesar de la escasez de fuentes y la limitada existencia de estadísticas relativas a esta materia, se busca evidenciar que la deforestación del siglo XIX, aunque de pequeña escala, tuvo fuertes repercusiones sobre la cobertura forestal, especialmente en lo relativo a maderas finas de alta rentabilidad, y sentó las bases para la industria maderera que cobró vigor en el siglo XX. Desde esta perspectiva, el artículo también demuestra que existía evidencia sobre las repercusiones del patrón de explotación forestal impulsado por particulares y por el mismo Estado en el territorio nacional, tal aspecto, sin embargo, no fue tenido en cuenta por los intereses económicos que recaían sobre los baldíos y los bosques nacionales en una época en la cual la extracción de la riqueza nacional y su puesta en el mercado eran los objetivos fundamentales.
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In: http://bibliotecavirtual.dgb.umich.mx:8083/xmlui/handle/DGB_UMICH/1415
Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales. Maestría en Derecho ; From the Mexican Revolution they derived to a series of social and political re-forms of very diverse nature, between which they emphasize some on the family, reforms that were translated in a set of new legal dispositions in each case. Among those that dealt with the family nucleus, one of the most significant was the divorce reform since the bond divorce was instituted, which opened the way for the ex-spouses to contract marriage again and, consequently, the possibility of forming another family under the protection of the State. In the legislation referring to the family that was issued during the period, some changes were also introduced regarding family and gender relations, however, some differences remained. In the present thesis the bond divorce in the city of Morelia is studied in the period from 1915 to 1936, a series of cases that were taken to the courts are analyzed from the profiles of the families and the actors in divorce process as well as the legal resources presented in the trials, all from a historical-legal perspective but also gender that together allowed to establish the main changes and continuities in the practice of divorce between men and women who resorted to this for legally liquidate their marriage. ; De la Revolución mexicana derivaron a una serie de reformas sociales y políticas de muy diversa naturaleza, entre las que destacan algunas sobre la familia, reformas que se tradujeron en un conjunto de nuevas disposiciones legales en cada caso. Entre las que versaron sobre el núcleo familiar, una de la más significativas fue la reforma al divorcio puesto que se instituyo el divorcio vincular, lo cual abrió la pauta a los ex cónyuges para contraer nuevamente matrimonio y, por consiguiente, la posibilidad de formar otra familia bajo el amparo del Estado. En la legislación referente a la familia que se expidió durante el periodo se introdujeron también algunos cambios respecto a las relaciones familiares y de género, no ...
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Parece inevitable que en las economías de libre mercado los medios tiendan a pertenecer a los grandes gruposfinancieros. ¿Cómo preservar la independencia informativa? ¿Cómo democratizar las comunicaciones cuando todo parece apuntar en dirección contraria?
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In: Ulúa: revista de historia, sociedad y cultura, Heft 30
Sobre: Rosío Córdova y Jesús Pretelín, El Buñuel. Homoerotismo y cuerpos abyectos en la oscuridad de un cine porno en Veracruz.