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"Late Georgian England was a period of great social and political change, yet whether this was for good or for ill was by no means clear to many Britons. In such an era of innovation and revolution, Britons faced the task of deciding which ideals, goals and attitudes most closely fitted their own conception of the nation for which they struggled and fought; the controversies of the era thus forced ordinary people to define an identity that they believed embodied the ideal of 'Britishness' to which they could adhere in this period of uncertainty. Defining John Bull demonstrates that caricature played a vital role in this redefinition of what it meant to be British. During the reign of George III, the public's increasing interest in political controversies meant that satirists turned their attention to the individuals and issues involved. Since this long reign was marked by political crises, both foreign and domestic, caricaturists responded with an outpouring of work that led the era to be called the 'golden age' of caricature. Thus, many and varied prints, produced in response to public demands and sensitive to public attitudes, provide more than simply a record of what interested Britons during the late Georgian era. In the face of domestic and foreign challenges that threatened to shake the very foundations of existing social and political structures, the public struggled to identify those ideals, qualities and characteristics that seemed to form the basis of British society and culture, and that were the bedrock upon which the British polity rested. During the course of this debate, the iconography used to depict it in graphic satire changed to reflect shifts in or the redefinition of existing ideals. Thus, caricature produced during the reign of George III came to visually express new concepts of Britishness."--Provided by publisher.

Exploring the life and leadership of Marion Butler, James Hunt offers insight into the challenge of American reform politics. He served in the US Senate and was a crucial figure in the Populist Party. In this account, Hunt seeks to show how strongly Butler believed in Populist principles.

ABSTRACTPolitical scientists have recently taken great strides to expose and address sexual harassment and assault in our academic departments and professional conferences. Little has been said, however, of the sexual violence and discrimination that political scientists confront during field research. Female field researchers may encounter a number of power disparities that put them at acute risk for sexual violence during fieldwork, and evidence suggests that experiences of sexual misconduct in the field are both pervasive and professionally devastating. This article challenges the discipline to break its silence on sexual violence during fieldwork, remove the stigma of incompetency assigned to survivors, and support field researchers in confronting sexual harassment and assault in the field.

In 2010 Colombia experienced an unexpected surge in acid attacks against women, and from 2010–2014, it had more acid attacks per capita than any other country in the world. No other form of violent crime in the country demonstrated such a spike. What explains this unusual variation in violence? I argue that this unique pattern of violence was made sensible by the 2005–2011 nation-building campaignColombia Is Passionthat redefined the enduring violence plaguing the country as men's misunderstood passion for beautiful women. By valorizing violence toward women and making women's membership in the nation contingent upon their beauty, the campaign created an affective economy under which acid attacks became both intelligible and effective in producing social death and national ostracization. In this paper, I have denaturalized violence against women and suggest that political scientists might do more to explain important variations of violence outside of armed conflict. Finally, I demonstrate the explanatory power of interpretive studies of political culture, national identity, and public emotion in structuring the meaning and patterns of violence.

TransMilenio, the mass transit system inaugurated in Bogotá at the turn of the millennium, was a technocratic development achievement. Citizens and experts alike held the system in high esteem initially. Over time, however, technocratic knowledge increasingly conflicted with citizens' experiences, and riders grew extremely dissatisfied with the system. Some experts attempted to depoliticize policy decisions, demobilize civil society, and redefine citizenship as the consumption of services, but citizens continued to participate in myriad ways, protesting in the streets, barricading the system, organizing rider "strikes," deploying their own expert knowledge, and seeking electoral office in order to inform policy decisions pertaining to the system. The distribution and importance of expertise in shaping the system challenges dichotomous understandings of state and society and highlights the differentiation of citizenship under neoliberal governance.TransMilenio, el sistema de transporte masivo inaugurado en Bogotá a principios del nuevo siglo, fue un logro de desarrollo tecnocrático. Al principio, tanto los ciudadanos como los expertos tenían una opinión altamente favorable del sistema. Sin embargo, con el tiempo, el conocimiento tecnocrático comenzó a entrar en conflicto cada vez más con la experiencia de los ciudadanos y aumentó cada día más la insatisfacción de los usuarios con el sistema. Algunos expertos trataron de despolitizar las decisiones sobre política pública, e intentaron desmovilizar a la sociedad civil y redefinir el concepto de ciudadanía como el mero consumo de servicios. Sin embargo, los ciudadanos siguieron luchando de diversas maneras: protestando en las calles, bloqueando el sistema con barricadas, organizando "huelgas" de usuarios, dándole valor a su propio conocimiento y aspirando a puestos electivos para así tratar de guiar la toma de decisiones políticas sobre el sistema. La distribución social del conocimiento o pericia y su importancia en la estructuración del sistema ponen en entredicho las visiones dicótomas de estado y sociedad y resaltan la diferenciación de la ciudadanía bajo la gestión neoliberal.